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VEEMONT. 



THE 



HISTORY OF VERMONT, 



FROM ITS 



(KarliBst Irftltmnit tn i^t ^kmnl €mt 



BY 

W. H. CARPENTER, 

AND 

T. S. ARTHUR. .^ 

'C 



/-. ^'^'^^ 



PHILADELPHIA: 
LIPPINCOTT, GRAMBO & CO. 

1853. 



n\r),OJ 



Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1853, by 

T. S. ARTHUR and W. H. CARPENTER, 

in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the Eastern District of 
Pennsylvania. 



STEREOTYPED BY L. JOHNSON AND CO. 
PHILADELPHIA. 



r A ''^ 



'c^V^'^ 



PUBLISHERS' PREFACE. 



There are but few persons in this country who 
have not, at some time or other, felt the want of an 
accurate, well written, concise, yet clear and reliable 
history of their own or some other state. 

The want here indicated is now about being sup- 
plied ; and, as the task of doing so is no light or 
superficial one, the publishers have given into the 
hands of the two gentlemen whose names appear in 
the title-page, the work of preparing a series of Cabi- 
net Histories, embracing a volume for each state in 
the Union. Of their ability to perform this well, we 
need not speak. They are no strangers in the literary 
world. What they undertake the public may rest 
assured will be performed thoroughly ; and that no 
sectarian, sectional, or party feelings will bias their 
judgment, or lead them to violate the integrity of 
history. 

The importance of a series of state histories like 
those now commenced, can scarcely be estimated. 
Being condensed as carefully as accuracy and interest 
of narrative will permit, the size and price of the 
volumes will bring them within the reach of every 
family in the country, thus making them home-read- 
ing books for old and young. Each individual will, 

1* 5 



6 publishers' preface. 



in consequence, become familiar, not only with the 
history of his own state, but with that of other states : 
— thus mutual interest will be re-awakened, and old 
bonds cemented in a firmer union. 

In this series of Cabinet Histories, the authors, 
while presenting a concise but accurate narrative of 
the domestic policy of each state, will give greater 
prominence to the personal history of the people. 
The dangers which continually hovered around the 
early colonists ; the stirring romance of a life passed 
fearlessly amid peril; the incidents of border war- 
fare ; the adventures of hardy pioneers ; the keen 
watchfulness, the subtle surprise, the ruthless attack, 
and prompt retaliation — all these having had an im- 
portant influence upon the formation of the American 
character, are to be freely recorded. While the progres- 
sive development of the citizens of each individual state 
from the rough forest-life of the earlier day to the 
polished condition of the present, will exhibit a pic- 
ture of national expansion as instructing as it is inte- 
resting. 

The size and style of the series will be uniform 
with the present volume. The authors, who have 
been for some time collecting and arranging materials, 
will furnish the succeeding volumes as rapidly as their 
careful preparation will warrant. 



PREFACE. 



The present History of Vermont is from the pen 
of a gentleman whose fine literary abilities have often 

been favourably acknowledged by the public. It has 
been written expressly for this Cabinet series of State 
Histories, and, like the volumes which have preceded 
it, is wholly original. 

The responsibility of perfect accuracy rests upon 
those whose names are on the title page ; the only duty 
devolving upon them, in this instance, having been 
that of careful collation with the original authorities. 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER I. 



Samuel Champlain — Indian tribes and their wars — Character 
of French colonization — Champlain's alliance with the Al- 
gonquins — Hostility of the Iroquois — French missionaries 
— Lake Cham plain — First permanent settlement in Vermont 
— Crown Point erected by the French — Opening of the 
New Hampshire grants — Increase of emigration — Steady 
progress of settlement Page 19 



CHAPTER 11. 

Boundary line between Massachusetts and New Hampshire 
established — New Hampshire required to support Fort 
Dummer — Township grants by the governor of New Hamp- 
shire — Bennington founded — Claims of New York — Num- 
ber of grants issued — Fees for the same — Controversy with 
New York — Duke of York's patent — Its vagueness — Cad- 
wallader Colden of New York — His proclamation — Counter- 
proclamation from New Hampshire — Eastern boundary of 
New York defined by England — Jurisdiction asserted over 
Vermont — The grants from New Hampshire declared null 
and void — Resistance by the people — Their appeal to the 
British ministry — Royal orders to New York — Writs of 
ejoctment obtained — Inability to execute them — Land 

9 



10 CONTENTS. 



speculators — Hatred of them in Vermont — Ethan Allen — 
His character — The Green Mountain Boys Page 25 



CHAPTER III. 

The Green Mountain Tavern — Its sign — Convention at 
Bennington — Determination of the settlers — Organized 
opposition to New York — Committees of Safety formed — 
Military associations — Indictment of Allen, Warner, and 
others — Rewards offered for their apprehension — Attempt- 
ed arrest of Warner — Conciliatory efforts of Governor Tryon 
— Exception of the ringleaders — Proclamations and counter- 
proclamations — Decree of the Green Mountain convention 
— Green Mountain law — The Beach Seal — Action of the 
New York Assembly — General convention west of the 
Green Mountains — Resolutions adopted — Sanguinary 
laws of New York — Response of the Mountaineers — 
Colonel Skeen's mission to England — Approach of the 
Revolution 36 



CHAPTER IV. 

The tenure of the royal judges in the colonies — Governor 
Hutchinson and the Massachusetts legislature — Petition 
for the removal of Chief Justice Oliver — His impeachment 
— Oliver sustained by Hutchinson — Appointment of coun- 
sellors by the crown — The opening of the Massachusetts 
courts of law obstructed hy the people — Sympathy of the 
Green Mountain Boys — Possession taken of Westminster 
court-house — Its surrender demanded by the sheriff of 
New York — The building fired into — Subsequent disposal 
of the prisoners — Westminster . convention renounce the 
government of New York — Colonial disputes with Great 
Britain — Battle of Lexington — Population of Vermont — 
War of the Revolution 48 



CONTENTS. 11 



CHAPTER V. 

Benedict Arnold — The surprise of Crown Point and Ticon- 
deroga recommended — Arnold commissioned and author- 
ized to attempt it — A detachment of volunteers organized 
in Connecticut for the same purpose — Form a junction 
with Ethan Allen and a party of the Green Mountain 
Boys — Meeting with Arnold — Appointed second in com- 
mand — Disputes between Arnold and Allen — Capture of 
Ticonderoga — Of Crown Point — Of Skeensboro — St. John's 
surprised by Arnold — 'Approach of the British — Congress 
provides for the restitution of the captured property 
— Massachusetts and the Continental Congress — Surrender 
of authority to the latter — George Washington appointed 
commander-in-chief of the colonial forces — Powers as- 
sumed by Congress — Petitions and addresses to Great 
Britain — Judicious conduct of the English Parliament in 
respect to Canada — Ticonderoga and Crown Point eflSciently 
garrisoned Page 57 



CHAPTER VI. 

Colonel Allen — Volunteer officers — Their difficulties with 
respect to rank in the continental army — Arnold supersed- 
ed in command at Ticonderoga — Returns to Massachusetts 
— Attempt upon Canada — Defenceless condition of that 
province — Regiment of Green Mountain Boys raised by 
Colonel Warner — Schuyler and Montgomery appointed to 
command the invading army — Supineness of the Canadians 
— Activity of General Carleton — Advance of Schuyler and 
Montgomery — Abortive attempt on Montreal — Ethan Allen 
captured and sent to England — Incidents of his captivity 
— Taking of Chambly by the Americans — Repulse of 
Carleton at Longue-isle by Colonel Warner — Surrender 
of St. John's to Montgomery — Surrender of Montreal — 



12 CONTENTS. 



Narrow escape of Carleton — March of Aniold through 
the wilderness to Quebec — He forms a junction with Mont- 
gomery — Attempt on Quebec and death of Montgomery — 
Gallantry and hardihood of Arnold Page 68 



CHAPTER VII. 

The people of the New Hampshire grants apply to Congress 
for advice — Their anomalous position — Convention at 
Dorset and petition to Congress — The memorial withdrawn 
— Resumption of operations in Canada — Difficulties of 
Arnold with the Canadians — Breaking out in camp of the 
small-pox — Arnold takes command at Montreal, and is 
succeeded by General Thomas before Quebec — Arrival of 
relief to Quebec — E^etreat of the Americans to Sorel — 
Death of General Thomas — Unfortunate attempt to sur- 
prise Three Rivers — Retreat to St. John's — To Isle-aux- 
Noix — To Ticonderoga — General Sullivan is superseded. by 
General Gates — Organization of a naval force — Difficulties 
with which it was attended — British preparations — Gene- 
ral Arnold appointed to command the American flotilla — 
Engagement on the 11th of October — Great superiority of 
the British force — Renewed engagement on the 13th — 
Gallant conduct of Arnold — Summary of results — Sir Guy 
Carleton menaces Ticonderoga, but returns to winter 
quarters without an attack 87 



CHAPTER VIII. 

Declaration of Independence by Congress — Its effects — 
Anecdote of Colonel Skeene — Renewal of the difficulty 
with New York — Action of the New York convention — 
Counter-action in Vermont — Convention at Dorset — Reso- 
lutions to support the common cause — Preparations for a 
state government — Convention at Westminster — Vermont 
declaration of independence, and memorial to Congress — 



CONTENTS. 13 



Counter memorial from New York — Second New York 
memorial — Letter of Thomas Young to the inhabitants of 
Vermont — Third New York memorial — Rejection by Con- 
gress of the petition of Vermont — Meeting in Vermont to 
adopt a constitution — Action upon the instrument reported 
— Abandonment of Ticonderoga by the American force and 
consequent alarm Page 103 



CHAPTER IX. 

Jealousies and disputes among the continental officers — 
Dislike of Schuyler by the New England troops — Schuyler 
tenders his resignation — Inquiry into his conduct — Honour- 
able testimonial — Ordered to take command of the north- 
ern army — Carleton superseded by Burgoyne — Activity 
of Burgoyne — War feast with the Iroquois — Humane at- 
tempt of Burgoyne to restrain the barbarities of his In- 
dian allies — Its futility — Manifesto to the Americans — 
Advance on Ticonderoga — Retreat of St. Clair — Death of 
Colonel Francis — Greenleaf's journal — Colonel Francis's 
watch restored to his mother — Concentration of American 
forces at Fort Edward — Burgoyne's halt at Skeensboro — 
Murder of Jane McCrea — The modern narrative — The 
popular version — Letter of Gates to Burgoyne — The reply 
of the latter 117 



CHAPTER X. 

Action of Vermont and New Hampshire upon the fall of 
Ticonderoga — Orders of General Stark — Resolves in Con- 
gress — Schuyler's judicious measures — General Burgoyne's 
second proclamation — Vain appeal of Major Skeene — 
General Stark's insubordination — Resolution of censure 
in Congress — British attempt to secure the stores at Ben- 
nington — Battle of Bennington^ Attack on Colonel 

2 



14 CONTENTS. 



Baum's entrenchments — Complete success of General 
Stark — Renewal of the engagement by Colonels Warner 
and Breyman — Defeat of the latter — Important effects 
upon the American cause — Extract from Burgoyne's in- 
structions to Colonel Baume — General Burgoyne's opinion 
of the people of the New Hampshire grants — Appoint- 
ment of Gates to supersede Schuyler — General Gates 
arrives at Stillwater — Battle of Stillwater, or Behmu's 
Heights — Victory claimed by both parties, but the real 
advantage with the Americans — Battle of the 7th October 
— General Burgoyne retreats to Saratoga — Capitulation of 
Burgoyne , Page 13c 



CHAPTER XI. 

Delay in the organization of the Vermont state government 
— Reassembling of the convention — Recognition by New 
Hampshire — First election of assemblymen — Continued 
opposition of New York — Proclamation of Governor 
Clinton — Steady course of Vermont — Answer of Ethan 
Allen to Governor Clinton — Constitution of Vermont — 
Its original features — Modifications — Simple forms of le- 
gislation — Governor Chittenden — Anecdote of the Land- 
lord Governor — Biographical notice — Summary of his 
character — First meeting of the Vermont legislature — 
Embarrassing proposals from sixteen towns in New Hamp- 
shire — Adjournment of the legislators to consult their 
constituents — The sixteen towns received into union — 
Remonstrance of New Hampshire — Appeals to Congress 
— Colonel Ethan Allen visits Philadelphia to consult with 
the members — New York difiiculty — Vermont hesitates 
to perfect the union — Secession of a portion of her 
legislators — They convene to form a new state — Vermont 
cuts off the sixteen towns — New Hampshire and New 
York each claim the whole of her territory — Interference 
of Massachusetts 150 



CONTENTS. 15 



CHAPTER XII. 

Trouble witli the adherents of New York ia Vermont — 
Contrast between the New York and Vermont claimants 
— Principles involved in the dispute — Vermont Congre- 
gationalists — Wallumsehaick — Tenure of Rev. Godfrey 
Dellius — Convention of "Yorkers" at Brattleboro — Pe- 
tition to the governor of New York — Military organization 
— The New York officers captured by Ethan Allen — Ap- 
peals to Congress — Commissioners appointed by Congress 
— New York and New Hampshire authorize Congress to 
adjudicate between them— Massachusetts declines — Ver- 
mont makes an appeal to the world — Extracts from that 
document — Congress censures Vermont by resolution — 
Governor Chittenden's reply — Sagacity of Vermont' states- 
men — Agents from Vermont sent to observe the proceedings 
of Congress — Their withdrawal and protest — Indefinite 
postponement of the matter by Congress — Indian forays — 
False alarm Page 169 



CHAPTER XIII. 

Vermont assumes the aggressive — Convention of New Hamp- 
shire towns — Second union with Vermont — Union of New 
York towns with Vermont — Causes which led to this 
state of things — British overtures to Ethan Allen — Cessa- 
tion of hostilities to exchange prisoners — Commissioners 
appointed to arrange the terms — Other business before the 
commissioners — Ethan Allen encloses the British letters 
to Congress — Extracts from his letter to that body — Re- 
newal of the negotiations for " exchange of prisoners" — 
Colonel Ira Allen's three weeks in Canada — Interesting 
documents — British instructions — Green Mountain diplo- 



16 CONTENTS. 



macy — Ira Allen's commission — His report to the Vermont 
assembly — Secret correspondence — Lord Germain's letter 
to Clinton — Impatience of the British agents — The consti- 
tution of the new royal province agreed upon by Colonel 
Allen and Major Fay — The British demand the new go- 
vernment of Vermont should be proclaimed — Colonel Allen 
assents on condition of some further delay — The British 
appear on Lake Champlain provided with proclamations 
— They send an apology for killing an American soldier 
— Suspense and curiosity of the American soldiers and 
citizens — Commotion in Governor Chittenden's office — A 
dilemma — Skilful escape — Surrender of Cornwallis — Re- 
tirement of the British into Canada Page 185 



CHAPTER XIV. 

Action of Congress in relation to Vermont — Conditions 
proposed preliminary to her admission into the Union 
— Protest of Vermont against the action of Congress, 
and refusal of Vermont to comply — Message of General 
"Washington to Governor Chittenden — The governor's re- 
ply — Threatened disturbances — Letter of General Wash- 
ington to Governor Chittenden — Vermont recedes from 
her refusal — Congress fails to perform its conditional pro- 
mise — Protest of the agents of Vermont — Indignation 
in Vermont at the evasive course of Congress — British 
overtures still continued — Remarks of Dr. Williams upon 
the Canadian correspondence — Disturbances in Windham 
county — Appeals to Congress — Resolutions of censure 
passed by that body — Vermont menaced by Congress — 
Spirited remonstrance of Vermont — Disturbances in Guil- 
ford — Martial law — Ethan Allen's proclamation — The 
"Yorkers" driven out — Death of Colonel Seth Warner — 
Remarks upon his life and character 206 



CONTEXTS. 17 



CHAPTER XV. 

Condition of Vermont in 1783 — Continued prosperity — Fe- 
deral constitution, 1788 — Adjustment of the difficulty 
with New York, 1790 — The close of the Continental 
Congress — The new Congress and its services — Prosper- 
ous condition of the country — Population of Vermont at 
different periods — Death of Colonel Ethan Allen — Re- 
marks upon his character — Observations of Colonel Gray- 
don respecting him — His personal appearance — His 
style of conversation — General Washington's opinion of 
him — Colonel Allen as a man of honour — His rebuke to 
the lawyer Page 222 



CHAPTER XVI. 

Vermont from 1791 to 1814 — Reservation of lands for reli- 
gious and educational purposes — Foundation of Vermont 
school fund — University of Vermont — Donation from the 
state — Endowment by individual subscription — Liberality 
of Ira Allen — College buildings and library — Middlebury 
and Norwich colleges — Medical schools — -Academies and 
common schools — Care of the early settlers for the educa- 
tion of their children — Its practical direction — Remarks 
of Dr. Williams — Ira Allen — Notices of his life — His His- 
tory of Vermont — Governor Chittenden's quiet policy — 
Election of Governor Tichenor — Introduction of guberna- 
torial messages and replies by the legislature — Decided 
Federal majority — The Democrats elect their governor in 
1807 — Tichenor re-elected in 1808 — The Democrats again 
successful in 1809 — Their candidate re-elected for five 
years — Party excitement increases — Declaration of war 
with Great Britain — Strong measures of the Democratic 
majority — Political revolution — Displacement of the Demo- 
crats — Election of Martin Chittenden — Repeal of the 

2* 



18 CONTEXTS. 



Democratic war measures — Capitulation of Hull — Destruc- 
tion of stores at Plattsburg — Abortive attempt to invade 
Canada — Governor Chittenden recalls the Vermont militia 
— Battle of Lake Erie — Chippewa and and Lundy's Lane 
— Battle of Plattsburg — Defeat and death of Captain 
Downie, and retreat of Sir George Prevost Page 234 



CHAPTER XVIL 

Re-election of Governor Chittenden — His annual address — 
Vermont refuses to send delegates to the Hartford Con- 
vention — The victors of Plattsburg complimented for 
their services — Grant of land to McDonough — Treaty of 
Ghent — Review of the war — Honesty of the war and peace 
parties — Statistics of Vermont — Population, agriculture, 
manufactures — Cotton, wool, and iron — The lumber busi- 
ness — Miscellaneous statistics — Inland navigation — Rail- 
roads — Banks — Benevolent institutions — State income and 
expenditure — Religious denominations — Closing remarks. 251 



HISTORY OF YERMONT. 



CHAPTER I. 



Samuel Champlain — Indian tribes and their wars — Character 
of French colonization — Champlain's alliance with the Al- 
gonquins — Hostility of the Iroquois — French missionaries — 
liake Champlain — First permanent settlement in Vermont — 
Crown Point erected by the French — Opening of the New 
Hampshire grants — Increase of emigration — Steady progress 
of settlement. 

The long and irregular lake which forms the 
western boundary of the State of Vermont, 
bears the name of the European who earliest 
explored any portion of its territory, Samuel 
Champlain, the first successful founder of French 
settlements in North America. He was for 
man}'- years the governor of New France, as the 
French Canadian possessions were called ; and 
he has left behind him a monument which has 
survived the last trace of French dominion on 
this continent. He published a curious Avork 
entitled "Voyages and Travels in New France," 
or Canada. It possessed sufficient interest to 
call for a modern reprint ; and in 1838, more 
than two hundred years from its first appearance, 
was republished in Paris. 

19 



20 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1608. 

Champlain's observations on the aborigines 
were so exact that his successors have in few 
cases found reason to depart from his conclu- 
sions. Perhaps we should except such writers 
as invest the American Indian with imaginary 
traits of impossible heroism, and with savage 
virtues of a higher than the civilized standard. 
He rtoords a very minute account of their 
shocking barbarities to their prisoners, of which 
he was, most probably, the first European wit- 
ness. And he gives us relations of their gar- 
rulity and nimble-tongued vituperations and re- 
joinders, which contrast very strongly with the 
dramatic Indian, reserved and dignified. He 
describes hostile Indian nations making ready 
for a fight at dawn by dancing in hearing of 
each other, and preparing themselves for the 
encounter by a whole night of mutual reviling ; 
and when, by the aid of European strategy, he 
had enabled an Indian besieging force to take a 
position commanding the enemy's entrenchment, 
the martial Frenchman was astonished to find 
the siege delayed while the combatants hurled 
curses at each other. 

From various causes the French coalesced 
with the Indians better than any other colonists 
have done. There was less repugnance of race 
and caste between them. And the wisdom of 
the Jesuits, who were efi'ective leaders in all 
French intercourse with the Indians, procured a 



1608.] FRENCH COLONIZATION. 21 

clause in the charters which performed wonders 
for French enterprise. Every convert, upon 
baptism, became ipso facto a French subject. 
He was entitled to equal privileges with the 
colonists. He was identified with their success, 
and bound to them by much stronger ties than 
the subsidies of the English could ever purchase. 
Whatever may be charged against the Jesuits, 
their heroism and self-denial cannot be gain- 
said^ and, without entering into a discussion 
of the matter of their teaching as compared 
with that of the Protestant missionaries, they 
certainly made firmer temporal allies of their 
Indian converts. 

With all his sagacity, Champlain's love of ad- 
venture led him into a capital error ; a mistake 
which did not cease to operate until the French 
were entirely dispossessed of Canada. He sought 
a north-west passage to Cathay — a problem 
which, even unto the present day, promotes in- 
cidental benefits to commerce and geographical 
knowledge, without any approach to its own 
solution. The error to which we refer, was that 
of espousing the quarrel of one Indian tribe or 
family of tribes against another. The Indians 
who held the lands on the Atlantic were the 
Algonquins. From Lake Champlain, as far west 
as^uron, the warlike Iroquois, sometimes called, 
the Six Nations, were in possession. Cham- 
plain, on condition of being guided through the 



22 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1609. 

territories of tliese fierce tribes, readily un- 
dertook to aid the Algonquins in their wars 
against them. His visit to Lake Champhiin and 
Lake George, which took place in 1609, was 
made under such unlucky auspices ; and the 
first knowledge which the Iroquois had of the 
French was as the allies of their hereditary ene- 
mies. Three Frenchmen only appear to have 
been present, but their arquebuses decided the 
day in favour of the Algonquins ; and this com- 
mencement entailed persecution and death'ipon 
many an unfortunate missionary, and provoked 
the L'oquois to adhesion to the Dutch and Eng- 
lish in New^ York. 

Vermont was not in the path to Cathay, and 
the French seem to have paid little heed to the 
territory of the future fourteenth state in the 
American confederacy. The French missionaries 
and explorers were confined to the north of the 
St. LawTcnce, and north and west of the Lakes 
Erie and Ontario. They were in friendly re- 
lations with the Ifdians near Lake Superior, 
while they could not venture upon the Ontario 
or Erie; and their unceasing wars with the Mo- 
hawks forced their missionaries to run the gaunt- 
let through fierce tribes before they could reach 
their stations near Lake Huron. These Mohawks 
were Iroquois, the tribe whose first acquaintance 
with the French we have mentioned as derived 



1724.] FIRST SETTLEMENT. 23 

from their fire-arms, which scattered death in a 
new and wonderful manner. 

Lake Champlain divided the country of the 
Iroquois and the Algonquins. Its waters, as 
thev had been before Champlain saw them, still 
remained the highway of war parties for nearly 
two hundred years. Yermont west of the 
mountains was uninhabitable. Even the savages 
avoided it for any purpose of permanent resi- 
dence ; and it merited the name which has been 
given to another portion of our continent, '' The 
Dark and Bloody Ground." English and French 
expeditions followed the old war-paths, guided 
by savage allies; and the Hudson River and 
Lakes George and Champlain seemed practically 
useful only as military avenues. In 1760, when 
the French lost Canada, this state of things 
ceased ; but Lake Champlain was again the 
scene of hostilities during the revolutionary pe- 
riod, and during the second war between the 
United States and Great Britain. 

It does not come within our scope to give the 
details of the murderous Indian conflicts of 
which the territory of Vermont was the theatre 
before its settlement. Many of these events 
belong to the history of another state, and are 
there treated. The first permanent settlement 
in Vermont was made in 1724, in its south- 
eastern corner, on the land now embraced within 
the town of Brattleborough. This post was 



24 HISTORY OF VERMOXT. [1760. 

called Fort Dummer, and was supposed to be 
within the jurisdiction of Massachusetts. The 
French, in 1731, made a settlement on Lake 
Champlain, within the limits of the present 
town of Addison. They also established on the 
opposite or New York shore, a fortress which 
they called St. Frederick, but which was after- 
ward known as Crown Point. In 1759, Crown 
Point and the settlements on the Vermont side 
were abandoned by the French, who retreated 
to Canada before the victorious arms of Lord 
Amherst. No European settlements now re- 
mained in Vermont, except a few in the south- 
east corner, which had been undertaken under 
the protection of New Hampshire. The land 
still remained in its primeval wilderness. But 
a military road from Charlestown, in New Hamp- 
shire, to Crown Point, crossing the territory of 
the present State of Vermont, had apprized the 
public of the character and value of the land ; and 
when the French war was ended, in 1760, there 
were abundance of applicants for tracts. Ver- 
mont, so long closed to emigrants, now became 
a land of promise, and population flowed toward 
it with what was then considered great rapidity. 
The spirit of the hostile Indians had been sub- 
dued by several exemplary inflictions, the ferocity 
of which can only be excused by the exasperation 
which the borderers felta2;ainst a ruthless foe, with 
whom no argument except force seemed to avail. 



1760.] BOUNDARY LINE. 25 



CHAPTER II. 

Boundary line between Massachusetts and New Hampshire 
established — New Hampshire required to support Fort Dum- 
mer — Township grants by the governor of New Hampshire 
■ — Bennington founded — Claims of New York — Number of 
grants issued — Fees for the same — Controversy with New 
York — Duke of York's patent — Its vagueness — Cadwallader 
Colden of New York — His proclamation — Counter-procla- 
mation from New Hampshire — Eastern boundary of New 
York defined by England — Jurisdiction asserted over Ver- 
mont — The grants from New Hampshire declared null and 
void — Resistance by the people^ — Their appeal to the British 
ministry — Royal orders to New York — Writs of ejectment 
obtained — Inability to execute them — Land speculators — 
Hatred of them in Vermont — Ethan Allen — His character 
— The Green Mountain Boys. 

The impediments to the success of the infant 
state did not cease with the close of Indian 
hostilities. In the year 1740, to put a period 
to the controversy between Massachusetts and 
New Hampshire respecting the boundary be- 
tween them, the British government established 
a line parallel with the Merrimack River, at 
three miles distance, from the Atlantic to Paw- 
tucket Falls, and thence due west to the bound- 
ary of New York. This line, while it settled 
the controversy between Massachusetts and 
New Hampshire, opened another dispute, which 
lasted for a quarter of a century. Fort Dum- 



26 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1760. 

mer, and the few settlements west of the Con- 
necticut were found by this line not to be in 
Massachusetts. The King of Great Britain re- 
peatedly called upon the New Hampshire legis- 
lature to make provision for the support of Fort 
Dummer. The presumption grew up that the 
jurisdiction of New Hampshire extended west as 
far as that of Massachusetts ; that is to say, to 
a line twenty miles east from Hudson River. 

In 1749, Benning Wentworth, Governor of 
New Hampshire, made a grant of a township 
six miles square, situated, as he conceived, on 
the western borders of New Hampshire, being 
twenty miles east of the Hudson River, and six 
miles north of the Massachusetts line. This 
township he called Bennington. He granted 
also fifteen other townships; but the breaking 
out of hostilities between England and France 
put a stop to applications. A correspondence 
had meanwhile arisen between the governors of 
New Hampshire and New York, in which the 
latter, under an old grant from Charles II. to the 
Duke of York, claimed all the land west of the 
Connecticut River. As, however, this grant 
would have covered the lands in Massachusetts 
and Connecticut west of the river, and no claim 
had been established against those provinces, the 
governor of New Hampshire paid no heed to 
the pretensions of New York. 

After the close of the French war, in 1760, 



1760.] DUKE OF YORK'S CHARTER. 27 

the governor of New Hampshire resumed the 
granting of townships, and in the course of two 
or three years issued grants to the number of 
one hundred and ninety-eight. The fees on 
each were about one hundred dollars. In each 
township he reserved five hundred acres for him- 
self, and in this mode he accumulated a large 
fortune. These perquisites were emoluments 
which New York was determined not tamely to 
relinquish, and a war of proclamations forthwith 
commenced. Although for convenience we have 
used the name Vermont, and shall continue to 
do so, the name was not as yet applied to the 
territory. The people styled themselves the in- 
habitants of the "New Hampshire Grants." 

Whatever might be said of the claims of New 
Hampshire to jurisdiction, that of New York 
was vague and indefensible. In the first place, 
the grant to the Duke of York was very indefi- 
nite, as were most of the parcellings out of this 
continent by European powers. It gave the 
Duke of York << all the lands from the west side 
of the Connecticut River to the east side of the 
Delaware Bay," a boundary, the vagueness of 
which we need not enlarge upon. But what- 
ever title it might have conferred upon the Duke 
of York was merged in the crown upon James's 
accession, and descended to William upon 
James's abdication ; so that the authority of the 
royal governor of New Hampshire was quite as 



28 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1763. 

good under this very grant as that of New York. 
It established no colony and authorized no go- 
vernment ; and the Massachusetts and Connecti- 
cut charters were given without regard to the 
previous royal disposal of " all the lands" west 
of the Connecticut. 

Nevertheless the perquisites which accrued 
from land grants could not be willingly given up 
by New York ; and in 1763, Cadwallader Colden, 
acting governor of that province, issued his 
proclamation reciting the obsolete grant to the 
Duke of York, and claiming jurisdiction as far 
as the Connecticut River. He also commanded 
the sheriff of Albany to make returns of the 
names of all persons who had taken up lands 
under grants from New Hampshire. In reply, 
the governor of New Hampshire issued his pro- 
clamation, denying the validity of the old 
grant under which New York claimed, and as- 
serting the western limits of New Hampshire 
to be a continuation northerly of the west- 
ern line of Connecticut and Massachusetts. 
He told the settlers that their claims to their 
lands under the New Hampshire grants would 
be unaffected, even though they should come 
under the jurisdiction of New York. He ex- 
horted the people to be industrious and dili- 
gent, and to proceed without intimidation to 
cultivate their territory ; and he commanded 
the civil officers to exercise jurisdiction as far as 



1764.] DECREE OF THE CROWN. 29 

the grants extended. The ground taken by the 
governor of New Hampshire in this proclama- 
tion, in regard to land titles, was not only 
plausible but equitable. It could not be supposed 
that a dispute about jurisdiction between two 
royal governors could vitiate the grants which 
either had made, as a representative of the 
crown. The minds of the people were quieted, 
and no fears for the future were entertained. 

The New York authorities, convinced perhaps 
of the untenable nature of their claims, or wil- 
ling to put them on a clearer basis, even while they 
were defending the obsolete grant to the Duke 
of York, were operating in England to obtain 
a less questionable title. They procured in 1764 
a decision by the British crown that the Con- 
necticut River, from the Massachusetts line to 
the forty-fifth degree of north latitude, should be 
the eastern boundary of New York. The ap- 
plication for this decree based the request on 
the " convenience and advantage of the people ;" 
and it was more than suspected that it was sup- 
ported by a fraudulent use of the names of the 
settlers, who were those most interested. 

The decree, or the mode in which it was ob- 
tained, was not at first subjected to any rigid ex- 
amination, or made the subject of any complaint. 
The people were rather pleased than otherwise 
that the troublesome question of jurisdiction was 
determined ; and imagined that their titles 

3* 



30 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1764. 

would be confirmed by it, rather than impaired. 
They supposed the decree would have an en- 
tirely prospective action; and were alarmed and 
astonished when the New York authorities gave 
it a retrospective interpretation, and claimed 
that it vitiated the grants from New Hampshire. 
The government of New York proceeded under 
this interpretation to declare the titles given 
by New Hampshire null and void, and to 
require the settlers to take out new grants 
from New York, and to surrender their New 
Hampshire charters. Aside from the injustice 
in principle of this demand, it was accompa- 
nied with onerous pecuniary conditions ; for, 
whereas, the modest province of New Hamp- 
shire had been content with fees amounting to 
only one hundred dollars on each township. New 
York claimed from two thousand to twenty-six 
hundred. The New Hampshire grants were divid- 
ed into four new counties, and courts were held 
in them under the new jurisdiction. Some few 
of the towns complied with the hard terms, and 
bought their lands over again. But the greater 
number of townships refused to submit to what 
they justly deemed a gross and cruel imposition. 
Where the people refused to submit, fresh grants 
were made of their lands, and suits were com- 
menced in the names of the new grantees, for 
the ejectment of the original holders. There was 
no difficulty in obtaining judgments against the 



1767.] ROYAL ORDERS. 31 

settlers, but there was no possibility of enforcing 
them. The people banded together for mutual 
support; and the officers met with such rough 
treatment that few dared, at length, to present 
themselves for the performance of a duty so 
odious. The people were left without redress in 
the ordinary forms of law; and even the go- 
vernor of New Hampshire felt compelled, though 
unwillingly, to issue his proclamation recom- 
mending the Settlers on the grants to yield due 
obedience to the laws and authority of New York. 
The settlers associated themselves together; 
and held frequent conventions to devise means 
of resisting the wrongs which w^ere attempted 
against them. As the governor of New York 
had appealed to the British government, the 
'' Green Mountain Boys," as they now began 
to be called, determined to make an effort to 
be heard there also, nothino; doubtins; that a 
true representation of their case would be fol- 
lowed by measures for their relief. The result 
justified their expectations, so far as the will 
of the British crown was concerned. The Lords 
of the Board of Trade and Plantations having 
investigated the subject in 1767, the governor of 
New York received the following order : " His 
majesty doth hereby strictly charge, require, 
and command, that the governor or commander- 
in-chief of his majesty's province of New 
York, for the time being, do not, upon pain of 



32 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1767. 

his majesty's highest displeasure, presume to 
make any grants whatsoever, of any part of the 
land described, until his majesty's further plea- 
sure shall be known concerning the same." 

This Yojal mandate was certainly explicit and 
satisfactory enough, so far as its apparent mean- 
ing and intention could be gathered from its 
plain English. But whether ''his majesty's 
further pleasure" was immediately communicated 
to the New York governor, revoking this order, 
or whether the governor found the fees too lu- 
crative to be tamely surrendered, the people soon 
found that royal orders gave them no respite. 
No regard was paid to the royal mandate. New 
grants continued to be made, and actions of 
ejectment continued to be pressed in the courts 
at Albany. The Green Mountain Boys paid no 
heed to these proceedings, and suffered judgment 
to go against them by default. They complain- 
ed, and with reason, that the officers of New 
York, while calling upon the people to obey the 
royal orders and decisions, violated those in- 
junctions themselves. 

The militia were called in to aid and support 
the sheriff and his officers. But this measure 
served only to demonstrate the weakness of a 
government which aimed to enforce the perpe- 
tration of a wrong. The claimants holding titles 
purchased under such circumstances had not a 
feeling in common with the people. They were 



1767.] ETHAN ALLEN. 33 

speculators, odious for the fact that they would 
attempt to possess themselves of what was the 
equitable property of others. They were loathed 
as adventurers who preferred an unjust course, 
rather than to purchase lands at a fair valuation 
to which there was no adverse claims — idlers, 
who would willingly derive emolument from the 
distress of the hardy pioneers who had subdued 
the forest. The militia, when summoned, though 
compelled to march, had no affection for the 
business, and declined hazarding their lives against 
their convictions, and against the people with 
whom they sympathized, for the emolument of 
speculators for whom they had no respect. 
Wherever a show of opposition was made, the 
New York militia refused to act ; and the sheriff 
with his posse were in a worse predicament than 
without it. The exasperation of the people was 
increased, and the fugitive posse only emboldened 
the resistants. 

The name of Ethan Allen, celebrated in con- 
nection with the Revolutionary war, appears 
first in the history of these struggles of the 
people of the New Hampshire grants against 
their grasping neighbours. Allen was born in 
Litchfield, Connecticut, but emigrated with his 
parents to the New Hampshire grants at an 
early age. He possessed in a rare degree that 
indispensable requisite to a self-constituted leader 
in troublous times — rude and overbearing self- 



34 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1767. 

confidence. He was abashed by no consciousness 
of ignorance, and made boldness in the declara- 
tion of his opinions serve him in the place of a 
more refined style. As the right was manifestly 
on his side, and he vigorously contended against 
an injustice, the eff'ects of which he suffered 
under in common with others, the leadership to 
which his daring impetuosity made him aspire 
was at Once accorded to him. There was at 
this time no newspaper in Vermont, and, indeed, 
no printing office; but Ethan Allen entered vi- 
gorously into the contest with Ncay York as a 
pamphleteer. He was the author of the mani- 
festoes of the Green Mountain Boys, to which, 
w^ith other names, his was appended. 

Allen's method of expression in these appeals 
to the public was in keeping with the character 
of the public which he addressed. They can 
scarce be read now without a smile, their ink- 
shed being of the most ferocious character. The 
rude borderers of that day found their own feel- 
ings well represented in the harsh language of 
Allen. Their all was at stake, and no terms 
seemed too severe to denounce their oppressors. 
If the better educated among them perceived, as 
they doubtless did, the absurdity of the pam- 
phleteer, they were too politic to take exception 
to what seemed best adapted to keep up that ex- 
citement, which alone promised successful and 
continued resistance. The nature of the popu- 



1767.] GREEN MOUNTAIN BOTS. 35 

lation of the New Hampshire grants is thus 
summed by Dr. Samuel Williams, the first his- 
torian of Vermont : — 

" The main body of the settlers at that time, 
consisted of a brave, hardy, intrepid, but uncul- 
tivated set of men. Without many of the ad- 
vantages of education, without any other pro- 
perty than what hard labour and hard living had 
procured, destitute of the conveniences and 
the elegancies of life, and having nothing to 
soften or refine their manners, roughness, ex- 
cess, and violence would naturally mark their 
proceedings. To deny such people justice was 
to prejudice and arm them against it; to confirm 
all those suspicions and prejudices against their 
rulers, and to give them an excuse and plea to 
proceed Xo outrage and violence. When the 
government of New York gave to these proceed- 
ings the names of mobs and riots, abuse and 
outrage, it is probable that such expressions 
conveyed pretty just ideas of the appearance of 
their conduct and opposition to the laws. But 
when they called their opposition treason, felony, 
and rebellion against lawful authority, the people 
of the adjoining provinces seem to have believed 
that the government of New York was much more 
blamable in making and exercising such laws as 
called these titles to their lands in question, than 
the settlers were in acting in open and avowed 
opposition to them." 



36 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1767. 



CHAPTER in. 

The Green Mountain Tavern — Its sign — Convention at Ben- 
nington — Determination of the settlers — Organized opposi- 
tion to NeviT York — Committees of Safety formed — -Military 
associations — Indictment of Allen, Warner, and others — Re- 
wards offered for their apprehension — Attempted arrest of 
Warner — Conciliatory efforts of Governor Tryon — Exception 
of the ringleaders — Proclamations and counter-proclamations 
— Decree of the Green Mountain Convention — Green Moun- 
tain law — The Beech Seal — Action of the New York As- 
sembly — General convention west of the Green Mountains 
— Resolutions adopted — Sanguinary laws of New York — Re- 
sponse of the Mountaineers — Colonel Skeen's mission to 
England — Approach of the Revolution. 

Bennington, the first town chartered by the 
Governor of New Hampshire, was one of the 
chief rallying places of the Green Mountain 
Boys. The '' Green Mountain Tavern" in this 
village had a sign expressive of the defiance of 
the settlers. On the very borders of the dis- 
puted territory, a post twenty-five feet high bore 
on its top a huge catamount's skin, stuffed, its 
teeth displayed toward the hated province of 
New York. One mode of punishing any traitor 
to the Green Mountain interest, was to hoist 
him, tied in an arm chair, up to the sign, and let 
him hang one hour or more, according to the 
pleasure of his judges, exposed to the mocking 



1771.] ORGANIZED OPPOSITION. 37 

of the crowd which such an occasion did not fail 
to summon. 

After the refusal of the authorities of New 
York to heed the royal mandate forbidding new 
grants, a convention of the settlers was called 
at Bennington ; and at this convention it was 
" resolved to support the rights and property 
which they possessed under the New Hampshire 
grants, against the usurpation and unjust claims 
of the governor and council of New York, by 
force, as law and justice were denied them." 
Opposition took now an organized and formida- 
ble character. " Committees of Safety" were 
appointed in most of the towns west of the 
Green Mountains ; and these committees took 
cognizance of matters within their several pre- 
cincts, or in convention passed resolutions and 
decrees which had the force of law over the set- 
tlers. A military association was formed, of 
which Ethan Allen was appointed colonel, and 
Seth Warner and five others captains. The 
authorities of New York proceeded to cause the 
leaders in these movements to be indicted as 
rioters ; and the governor of that province is- 
sued a proclamation offering one hundred and 
fifty pounds sterling, or six hundred and sixty- 
six dollars, for the apprehension of Colonel Allen ; 
and fifty pounds, or two hundred and twenty-two 
dollars, for each of the others. Allen then is- 
sued his proclamation, ofi'ering five pounds, rather 

4 



38 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1772. 

more than twenty-two dollars, to any person who 
would apprehend the attorney-general of the 
colony of New York, and deliver him to any 
officer of the Green Mountain Boys. An officer 
of New York, moved perhaps by the reward, 
visited the grants with the purpose of arresting 
Warner. The Green Mountain captain gave 
him battle, wounded and disarmed him, but 
spared the life which was at his mercy. Indeed, 
through all the scenes of violence which at- 
tended the efforts of New York to enforce un- 
just and unpopular laws, the resistants avoided 
any sanguinary acts, though their proclamations 
had a ferocious sound. They gave fair warning 
of their intentions, and warned the offenders 
against their decrees to desist. Persistence in 
spite of warning was rigorously punished, after 
due examination had before a committee of 
safety. 

Efforts were made in 1772, by Governor Tryon 
of New York, to conciliate. But his overtures 
excepted Allen and some others, and the nego- 
tiations were interrupted by the proceedings 
of exasperated parties. Certain settlers, who 
occupied lands under grants from New York, 
were dispossessed and driven away by the Green 
Mountain Boys ; and when the New York go- 
vernor required the lands to be restored, the set- 
tlers called a convention, and drew up a report, 
declining compliance with the governor's man- 



1773.] "VIEWING." 39 

date, and vindicating their proceedings. Nego- 
tiations here terminated ; and the governor, 
council, and legislature of New York, on the 
one hand, and the Green Mountain Boys on the 
other, proceeded to the fulmination of proclama- 
tions, and the enactment of decrees and laws, 
which lacked only power to enforce them, to 
revive the worst scenes of the worst despotism. 
Happily their fury was expended in ink and 
evaporated in bravado. 

The Green Mountain convention decreed that 
no person should take grants or confirmations of 
grants under the government of New York. It 
forbade all the inhabitants of the New Hamp- 
shire grants to hold, take, or accept any office 
of honour or profit under the colony of New 
York ; and all civil and military officers who 
had acted under such authority were commanded 
to suspend their functions. The penalty for 
neglect or refusal was "being viewed'' by a 
committee of safety. What "viewing" implied 
may be gathered from the case of one Benjamin 
Hough, who presumed to act under a New York 
commission as a justice of the peace, after 
warning given him to desist. 

The culprit was arrested and brought before 
the committee of safety at Sunderland. When 
interrogated, he pleaded the jurisdiction and au- 
thority of the province of New York. He was 
answered by the decree of the convention above 



40 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1773. 

referred to, of which no settler on the grants 
could be ignorant. And the committee pro- 
ceeded to pass the following sentence, which was 
summarily carried into execution : " That the 
prisoner be taken from the bar of this committee 
of safety, and tied to a tree, and there on his 
naked back receive one hundred stripes. His 
back being dressed, he shall depart out of the 
district, and on his return, unless by special 
leave of the committee, he shall suffer death." 

The instruments with which flagellation was 
inflicted were <' twigs of the wilderness;" and 
this mode of punishment was termed, by the 
Green Mountain Boys, the application of the 
'' beech seal." Where the validity of the great 
seal of the province of New Hampshire was not 
considered sufficient by the adherents of New 
York, it was quaintly intimated that the ''beech 
seal" upon their naked backs would be regarded 
by them as abundant confirmation. 

These measures, of course, exasperated the 
New York authorities. The settlers on the New 
Hampshire grants, west of the mountains, who 
were in collision with the New York authorities, 
were denounced as lawless banditti. Their pro- 
ceedings were characterized as treason and re- 
bellion ; and, powerless as New York had proved 
to enforce former enactments, she made the com- 
mon mistake of adding to former acts, which re- 
mained dead letters, new enactments as inopera- 



1774.] RESOLUTIONS ADOPTED. 41 

tive in effect as thej were Draco-like in spirit. 
A committee of the assembly reported a series 
of resolutions upon the proceedings of the 
''Bennington Mob," in "vvhich they desired his 
excellency, the governor, to offer a reward for 
the securing of the ringleaders, and their com- 
mittal to Albany jail. And they recommended 
that a law should be passed '' more effectually to 
suppress riotous proceedings, and bring the of- 
fenders to condign punishment." 

These preliminary proceedings having tran- 
spired, a general convention of the inhabitants 
of the western townships was held on the 1st 
of March, 1774, and adjourned to the third 
Wednesday in that month. At this meeting a 
report was adopted giving a review of past events, 
and recommending the New York authorities to 
wait the determination of his majesty before 
proceeding to further extremities. It concluded 
with resolutions, among which were the following : 
" That, as a country, we will stand by and de- 
fend our friends and neighbours who are in- 
dicted, at the expense of our lives and fortunes ;" 
and " that for the future, every necessary prepa- 
ration be made, and that our inhabitants hold 
themselves in readiness, at a minute's warning, 
to aid and defend such friends of ours who, for 
their merit in the great and general cause, are 
falsely denominated rioters ; but that we will 

not act any thing, more or less than on the de- 

4* 



42 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1775. 

fensive, and also encourage due execution of law 
in civil cases, and also in criminal prosecutions 
that are so indeed ; and also that we will assist, 
to the utmost of our power, the officers appointed 
for that purpose." 

It will be noted that the above resolutions 
still held out the hope of accommodation. But 
the New York legislature, influenced perhaps 
by the speculators, and irritated by the dis- 
position of the settlers under New York grants, 
proceeded to pass a law in accordance with the 
resolutions of their committee. Governor Trjon 
was absent in England, whither he had repaired 
to lay the difficulties which he encountered before 
the royal government ; and Cadwallader Golden, 
at that time very old, was acting governor of the 
province. The law which the wisdom of New 
York devised was a curiosity in American legis- 
lation. Whether it ever could have received 
the sanction of the crown is doubtful ; nor do 
we know with what propositions for the settle- 
ment of the difficulty Governor Tryon returned 
to America; for on his arrival, which did not 
take place until 1775, he found more engrossing 
and important business than the quarrels of land- 
jobbers with the Green Mountain Boys. 

The territory west of the Green Mountains, 
in which the malecontents principally resided, 
was divided into two parts, one of which formed 
the county of Charlotte, and the other was an- 



1775.] SANGUINARY LAWS. 43 

nexed to Albany. The new law applied ex- 
clusively to those counties. It enacted that if 
any person opposed a civil officer of New York 
in the discharge of his official duty, or willingly 
burned or destroyed property, or being riotously 
assembled proceeded unlawfully to the destruc- 
tion of buildings, such offences should be ad- 
judged felony without benefit of clergy, and the 
offenders should suffer death as felons. It made 
it the duty of the governor to publish in the 
public papers, and to cause to be affixed in public 
places by the sheriffs, the names of any persons 
indicted for capital offences, with an order com- 
manding the surrender of themselves within 
seventy days. In case of their non-appearance 
within the seventy days they were to be adjudged 
guilty, and the courts might award execution 
against them in the same manner as if they had 
been convicted, and death be inflicted without 
benefit of clergy. All crimes committed on the 
New Hampshire grants were by this act per- 
mitted to be tried by the courts of the county 
of Albany ; and the neglect to obey the summons 
to surrender themselves was equivalent to convic- 
tion. By this law the dangerous duty of serv- 
ing process on the Green Mountain Boys was 
sought to be evaded, and they were summoned to 
appear for trial, or convict themselves by refusal. 
At the same time a new proclamation was is- 
sued, offering a reward of fifty pounds, or two 



44 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1775. 

hundred and twenty-two dollars, each for ap- 
prehending Ethan Allen, Seth Warner, and six 
others who were regarded as the most prominent 
leaders among the malecontents. The effect 
of these measures was what might have been an- 
ticipated. The acknowledgment which the terms 
of the law virtually made, that New York was 
unable to enforce it, caused the measure and its 
abettors to be looked upon with contempt; and 
nerved the resistants to a fixed determination to 
meet death rather than submit. Past experience 
had convinced them that the people of New 
York had no desire to support the government, 
and the conduct of the New York militia had 
shown how little disposed their fellow-citizens 
were to aid the officers. The Green Mountain 
Boys gained in the moral strength which is con- 
ferred by public sympathy, and the ferocious 
sign of the Bennington hostelry glared still upon 
their oppressors. 

Indeed, that sign furnished no inapt emblem 
of the whole business. Just as were the claims 
of the mountaineers, an air of solemn farce 
seems mingled with their proceedings, as we, 
secure in our rights, look back upon their 
wrongs and their strange manifestoes of defiance. 
If the law above noticed was a marvel in its 
way, the answer of the mountaineers, in conven- 
tion adopted, was no less remarkable. It out- 
heroded Herod. 



1775.] GREEN MOUNTAIN MANIFESTO. 45 

It denounced in language which evinced a de- 
termination to be verv severe, the character of 
the land-jobbers and their government, and thus 
depicted their doings: — " By legerdemain, bri- 
bery, and deception, they have extended their 
dominions far and wide. They have wrangled 
with, and encroached upon the neighbouring 
governments, and have used all manner of de- 
ceit and fraud to accomplish their designs. 
Their tenants groan under their usury and op- 
pression ; and they have gained as well as merit- 
ed the disapprobation and abhorrence of their 
neighbours. The innocent blood they have 
already shed, calls for Heaven's vengeance on 
their guilty heads ; and if they should come forth 
in arms against us, thousands of their injured 
neighbours will join with us to cut oif and ex- 
terminate such an execrable race of men from 
the face of the earth. 

^'We, therefore," says the manifesto, "ad- 
vertise such officers, and all persons whatsoever, 
that we are resolved to inflict immediate death 
on whomsoever shall attempt the apprehension 
of the persons indicted as rioters. And pro- 
vided any of us, or our party, shall be taken, 
and we have not sufficient notice to relieve them, 
or whether we relieve them or not, we are re- 
solved to surround such person or persons as 
shall take them, whether at his or their own 
house or houses, or any where that we can find 



46 HISTORY OF VEKMONT. [1775. 

him or them, and slioot such person or persons 
dead. And furthermore, we will hill and destroy 
any person or persons whomsoever, that shall 
presume to be accessory, aiding or assisting in 
taking any of us as aforesaid ; for, by these 
presents, we give any such disposed person or 
persons to understand, that although they have 
a license by the law aforesaid to kill us, and an 
indemnification for such murder from the same 
authority, yet they have no indemnification for 
so doing from the Green llountain Boys, for 
our lives, liberties, and properties are as verily 
precious to us as to any of the king's subjects. 
But if the governmental authority of New York 
insists upon killing us, to take possession of our 
vineyards, let them come on ; we are ready for 
a game of scalping with them ; for our martial 
spirits glow with bitter indignation and consum- 
mate fury to blast their infernal projects." 

It does not appear that any collision oc- 
curred between the parties who had fulminated 
such furious threats against each other. The 
absence of Governor Tryon may have had 
some influence in preventing the parties from 
proceeding to extremities. Other steps were in 
progress to allay the difficulty. Colonel Philip 
Skeen, an English officer, who owned large 
tracts on Lake Champlain, went to England 
with a view to obtain the erection of a new pro- 
vince out of the Hampshire grants. He had 



1775.] skeen's mission. 47 

the countenance of many of the inhabitants; 
and made some progress in his mission, for he 
wrote to a friend that he had been appointed 
governor of Crown Point and Ticonderoga. It 
is much to be regretted that this step had not 
been earher taken, that it might have been per- 
fected before tlie breaking out of hostilities be- 
tween the colonies and the mother country. 
That event nipped Colonel Skeen's plan in the 
bud ; but the future state of Vermont, esta- 
blished after much dispute, was the carrying 
out of his plan. Had it been consummated 
before the war, there would have been four- 
teen states in the original American confede- 
ration. 



48 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1773. 



CHAPTER lY. 

The tenure of the royal judges in the colonies — Governor 
Hutchinson and the Massachusetts legislature — Petition for 
the removal of Chief Justice Oliver — His impeachment — 
Oliver sustained by Hutchinson — Appointment of counsellors 
by the crown — The opening of the Massachusetts courts 
of law obstructed by the people — Sympathy of the Green 
Mountain Boys — Possession taken of Westminster court 
house — Its surrender demanded by the sheriff of New York 
— The building fired into — Subsequent disposal of the pri- 
soners — Westminster convention renounce the government 
of New York — Colonial disputes with Great Britain — 'Battle 
of Lexington — Population of Vermont — War of the Revolu- 
tion. 

The events which we have narrated took place 
principally, if not entirely, on the western side 
of the Green Mountains. The inhabitants of 
that district were more exposed than their east- 
ern neighbours to contact with the New York 
authorities. As a border population, with the 
hardihood and courage of frontier life, has also 
its rudeness and rough essentials, and as the 
western pioneers of Yermont had provocations 
which might well have influenced men of higher 
culture, we are not to wonder at their fierce and 
furious resolutions and manifestoes, or to be 
surprised at their summary application of forest 
law. 

But while the inhabitants of the townships 



1773.] TENURE OF THE JUDGES. 49 

nearer New Hampshire remained comparatively 
inactive, it is not to be supposed that they lacked 
sympathy with the men upon whom fell the brunt 
of the encounter. And although some of the 
townships near the Connecticut River repur- 
chased their grants, it was done with a tacit if 
not with a verbal protest. The injustice was 
felt ; and when the time arrived for action the 
eastern settlers showed that they were not insen- 
sible to wrong, or disposed always to submit to 
what they regarded as tyranny. 

The question of the tenure of the offices of the 
judges in the provincial courts was mooted in 
Massachusetts before the outbreak of hostilities. 
The point on which issue was joined was the 
manner in which their salaries should be paid. 
To render the governor and the judiciary inde- 
pendent of the people, provision was made for 
the payment of their salaries from England, or 
by the commissioners of the revenue from the 
customs' receipts. The mode had hitherto been 
to vote their salaries in the house of representa- 
tives ; and the people resolutely refused to sub- 
mit to the change. The governor they could 
not reach, except by indirect acts of retaliation ; 
and these they felt justified in, since it was upon 
his suggestion that the change was made. At 
the session of the legislature in 1772, when 
Governor Hutchinson declined to receive his 
salary from the province, he asked that the Pro- 



50 ' HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1773. 

vince House, which had been often used as a resi- 
dence for the chief magistrate, should be re- 
paired and put in order for the reception of his 
family. The legislature replied that the building 
was intended for the governor of the province, 
who had heretofore received his support by order 
of the colonial legislature, but as Governor 
Hutchinson declined a salary offered by the pro- 
vince, and chose to be supported by the British 
government, they did not feel obliged to be at any 
charge for his accommodation. On a subsequent 
occasion, when the governor proposed to give a 
public dinner to the commissioners of the re- 
venue, the people of Boston, in town meeting 
assembled, voted that if he desired Faneuil Hall 
for that purpose he should not have it. 

But with the judges a more direct course was 
pursued. The house requested them to decline 
receiving their salaries from England. Three of 
them complied, and expressed their readiness to 
receive it from the province as heretofore. But 
Mr. Oliver, the chief justice, said he did not 
dare to decline it, without leave first obtained 
from the king. The house thereupon voted him 
unfit to hold the ofiice of judge, and prayed the 
governor to remove him. The governor refused 
to act in the premises, alleging that the power 
of removal belonged to the crown. The house 
then proceeded to impeach Judge Oliver of high 
crimes and misdemeanors, but the governor still 



1772.] THE COURTS OBSTRUCTED. 51 

refused to act. The people then in several of 
the counties, refused to take the usual oaths as 
grand jurors, when the courts were in session, 
until assured that the obnoxious judge would not 
be present. Another diiEculty soon arose. Some 
of the judges were appointed to the council, as 
the upper branch of the legislature was then 
called ; the crown assuming the right of appoint- 
ing counsellors, whereas they had hitherto been 
elected by the house. The people of Boston 
regularly drawn, refused to act as jurors, but 
the panel was filled otherwise, and the business 
proceeded. At this stage of the contest, in some 
of the inland counties, the judges and officers 
were prevented from occupying the court houses 
— the people blocking up the entrances, and by 
sheer dead weight and pre-occupation, keeping 
them out. No forcible entry was attempted, and 
the delay of judicial action was submitted to by 
the obnoxious judges. 

The pulse of the other New England colonies 
beat with Massachusetts. Vermont was settled 
chiefly by emigrants from Massachusetts, New 
Hampshire, and Connecticut ; men who, from 
their adventurous spirit, would have an alacrity 
of resistance to oppression ; and who, in the 
contests of the two royal governors of New 
Hampshire and New York had been sufferers in 
fact, while the governors suffered in dignity. 
The oppressive acts of New York would have 



52 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1775. 

made them resistants had all the rest of New 
England been loyal ; and we are not, therefore, 
to wonder that the example of Massachusetts in 
relation to the obnoxious judges in that province, 
found ready imitators in the New Hampshire 
grants. The royal authority was suspended, 
after the continental congress of 1774, in nearly 
all the colonies. New York and Georgia alone 
Avithholding their formal sanction to the doings 
of the congress. In the latter province, the 
personal influence of the governor restrained the 
legislature from overt adhesion. In New York 
the loyalists were numerous, and the legislatm-e 
was a moderate or '' compromise body." Though 
petitions and addresses were adopted, similar in 
tone to the doings of the continental congress, 
the province nominally maintained its loyalty, 
after the other provinces, except Georgia, were 
formally committed. 

But the example of Massachusetts brought 
matters in the New Hampshire grants to a crisis. 
The people, sympathizing with their New Eng- 
land friends and kindred, felt painfully their 
forced connection with New York, a province 
with whom they now seemed to have less 
sympathy than ever. The regular term of the 
court for the county of Cumberland, was to 
have been holden in March, 1775. Efforts 
were made to dissuade the judges from holding 
the court. Of course, while they held their 



1775.] THE PEOPLE FIRED UPON. 53 

commission, they would not consent to identify 
themselves with the rebellious party. They pro- 
ceeded in their official course, and the inhabit- 
ants of "Westminster and the adjacent towns, 
followed the Massachusetts precedent, and took 
possession of the court house. The judges did 
not, however, follow the wise example of their 
brethren in the Bay State, who prudently with- 
drew before the pressure of the people. The 
judges appeared before the house attended with 
an armed posse, and commanded the crowd to 
disperse. Nothing more serious than hard words 
passed at this time, and the judges, sheriffs, and 
posse withdrew. 

Negotiations now took place between the lead- 
ers of the people and the judges. A quasi 
armistice was agreed to, by which the people 
w^ere to keep possession of the court house until 
morning. At that time the judges would come 
without their armed posse, and be admitted, to 
hear what the resistants might offer in defence 
of their course. Contrary to this understanding, 
after lulling the vigilance of the people, the 
sheriff and his followers came to the court house 
at midnio-ht and demanded admittance. Beinoj 
refused, they fired into the building, and by this 
treacherous act killed one man, and wounded 
several more. The wounded men, and some 
others who were seized amid the terror and con- 
fusion, they committed to prison. It was well 

5* 



54 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1775. 

for the attacking party that this outrage was not 
committed on the western side of the mountains, 
in the province proper of the Green Mountain 
Boys. 

The news of this outrage flew apace. At an 
early hour the next day a crowd had collected. 
A coroner's jury was impanelled; a verdict of 
murder was returned against the officers, several 
of whom were arrested. Notwithstandino- the 
exasperation of the multitude, it does not ap- 
pear that any violence was done to the prison- 
ers, who were conveyed to the jail in Northamp- 
ton, in the province of Massachusetts. Upon 
application of the chief justice of New York, 
they were released, and returned home. Massa- 
chusetts could claim no jurisdiction in the case, 
and their committal to a prison in that province 
was manifestly illegal ; though to seek their 
punishment in the jurisdiction of New York 
would have been fruitless. Now the settlers east 
of the mountains made common cause with their 
brethren. A meeting was convened in West- 
minster, on the 11th of April, at which was 
passed the following resolve : " that it is the 
duty of the inhabitants wholly to renounce and 
resist the government of New York, until such 
time as the lives and property of the inhabitants 
may be secured by it ; or until such time as they 
can have opportunity to lay their grievances be- 
fore his most gracious majesty in council, with a 



1775.] DAWN OF THE REVOLUTION. 55 

proper remonstrance against the unjustifiable 
conduct of that government, together with a 
humble petition to be taken out of so oppressive 
a jurisdiction, and either annexed to some other 
government, or erected and incorporated into a 
new one, as may appear best for the inha- 
bitants." 

While the people of the New Hampshire 
grants were in this state of excitement, events 
occurred which gave their thoughts a new di- 
rection, or rather which gave them, in the same 
direction, a higher object ; and which led their 
spirit of resistance beyond New York, to contend 
with the power from whom the authorities as- 
sumed to derive their right to oppress. On the 
19th of April, 1775, occurred the battle of Lex- 
ington ; and while some of the higher spirit- 
ed men in Vermont were taking measures 
for armed resistance against the authorities 
of New York, the news of this first blood shed 
in the contest with Great Britain reached the 
excited settlers. "By presenting new scenes, 
and greater objects," says Dr. Williams, the 
historian of Vermont, <' this event seems to have 
prevented either party from proceeding to hos- 
tilities ; and turned their attention from their 
particular contest to the general cause of Ame- 
rica. The attention of all orders of men was 
immediately engaged ; local and provincial con- 
tests were at once swallowed up by the novelty, 



56 HISTORY OF YERMOXT. [1775. 

the grandeur, and the importance of the contest 
that opened between Britain and America." 

At this date, 1775, the population of Vermont 
is estimated by Mr. Thompson, author of the 
Gazetteer of Vermont, at 20,000. The popu- 
lation had grown up by immigration in fifteen 
vears ; for in 1760, there were not more than 
three hundred people in the territory. These 
settlers were fully qualified for the service they 
were afterward to perform. Schooled amid pri- 
vations and difiiculties, they were trained to 
perform the important part which they sub- 
sequently supported in the war of the Revo- 
lution. 



1775.] REPRISALS PROPOSED. 57 



CHAPTER V. 

Benedict Arnold — 'The surprise of Crown Point and Ticonde- 
roga recommended — Arnold commissioned and authorized to 
attempt it — A detachment of volunteers organized In Connec- 
ticut for the same purpose — Form a junction with Ethan Allen 
and a party of Green Mountain Boys — Meeting with Arnold 
• — Appointed second in command — Disputes between Arnold 
and Allen — Capture of Ticonderoga — Of Crown Point — 
Of Skeensboro — St. John's surprised by Arnold — Ap- 
proach of the British — Congress provides for the restitution 
of the captured property — Massachusetts and the continental 
congress — Surrender of authority to the latter — George 
Washington appointed commander-in-chief of the colonial 
forces — Powers assumed by congress — Petitions and addresses 
to Great Britain — -Judicious conduct of the English parlia- 
ment in respect to Canada — Ticonderoga and Crown Point 
efficiently garrisoned. 

The courage and patriotism of the Green 
Mountain Boys were now offered a wider field 
than that in which they had hitherto been exer- 
cised. The struggle with Great Britain had 
commenced in earnest; and as General Gage had 
taken the initiatory steps of hostility, by the 
seizure of warlike stores, the colonists thought 
it a proper retaliation to possess themselves of 
the posts and munitions belonging to and occu- 
pied by the crown. The importance of the 
fortifications on the Champlain route from New 
York to Canada, suggested movements in Con- 



58 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1775. 

necticut and Massachusetts, with a view to their 
reduction ; and although these movements were 
simultaneously made, they were undertaken with- 
out concert. Benedict Arnold, who, in the early 
part of the Revolutionary war, distinguished 
himself as an able and courageous officer, called 
the attention of the Massachusetts committee of 
safety to the fortresses of Crown Point and Ti- 
conderoga. Arnold belonged by birth and re- 
sidence to Connecticut, and was thus aware of 
the quantity of munitions at these points, and 
of the state of the defences. He had been a 
dealer in horses, and subsequently a trader and 
shipmaster in New Haven. He repaired to 
Boston on the breaking out of hostilities, in com- 
mand of a company of volunteers ; and upon 
his representations of the state of Ticonderoga 
and Crown Point, he received a colonel's com- 
mission, with authority to raise a regiment in 
Vermont for the enterprise. 

Meanwhile, certain gentlemen in Connecticut 
set the same plan on foot. They knew that the 
garrisons were then feeble at both points, and 
the fortifications dilapidated, and hastened to 
secure the two places before they should be put 
in a better posture of defence. A loan of 
eighteen hundred dollars was obtained of the 
legislature, powder and ball were procured, and 
the Connecticut party, of forty men, set forward 
to communicate with Ethan Allen. Seth Warner, 



1775.] ARNOLD AND ALLEN. 59 

who had figured in the Green IMountain pro- 
ceedings with Ethan Allen, readily acted with 
his old chief in this new enterprise. The affair 
altogether appears to have been conducted with 
great address and promptitude. The attacking 
party were advised of all the turns and passages 
of the works at Ticonderoga, by Captain Noah 
Phelps, one of the Connecticut volunteers, who 
introduced himself into the fort, and professing 
great clownishness and simplicity, examined the 
place with the eye of a veteran. 

Arnold had, meanwhile, joined Allen at Castle- 
ton. He came attended only by a servant, 
having failed to obtain recruits, since Allen and 
Warner, men known to the settlers, had been 
before him. Arnold would have assumed the 
command, but to this the Green Mountain Boys 
would not submit. A council was called, and 
Arnold's commission was examined. He was 
permitted to join as a volunteer, but Allen was 
also elected and commissioned colonel, and Ar- 
nold was recognised under his Massachusetts 
commission as second in command. 

On the evening of the 9th of May, Colonel 
Allen arrived at Orwell, with two hundred and 
seventy men, all except forty of whom were 
Green Mountain Boys. Some difficulty was 
found in procuring boats, but the people of the 
vicinity fell readily into the spirit of the enter- 
prise. Two young men, who overheard in bed 



60 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1775. 

what "was going forward, corrupted the boatmen 
of Major Skeen with that potent ammunition, 
a bottle of rum, and inveigled the unconscious 
men into the service, boat and all. They dis- 
covered their mistake when, at Shoreham, the 
point of embarkation on the Vermont side, they 
were put under guard as prisoners of war. Other 
boats were also procured, but all were only of 
sufficient capacity to transport eighty men at one 
trip. Here again the dispute for precedence 
between the two colonels was renewed. Arnold 
demanded the honour of leading the men into 
the fort. Allen refused to suffer it ; and the 
dispute was settled by a compromise that both 
should enter together, but that Allen should 
enter on the right, and have the command. 

Just before daybreak on the 10th of May the 
first party of eighty-three men landed on the 
shore near Ticonderoga. The hour requiring 
expedition, if a surprise was to be attempted, 
Allen decided to proceed at once, without wait- 
ing for the residue of his men. He made a 
short harangue to his party, which he concluded 
by saying: "I now propose to advance before 
you, and conduct you in person through the 
wicket gate ; but inasmuch as it is a desperate 
attempt, I do not urge it on any one contrary to 
his will. You that will undertake it volunta- 
rily, poise your firelocks." Not a man hesi- 
tated. 



1775.] TICONDEROGA SURPRISED. 61 

With celerity and in perfect silence they 
moved to the attack. Colonel Allen at the head. 
The sentry at the gate snapped his fusee, but it 
missed fire, and the party followed him up as he 
retreated through the covered way. The other 
sentries were seized ; and except these not a 
soul was awake in the fort, until the cheers of 
the Green Mountain Boys, drawn up in line 
on the parade, startled the garrison in as- 
tonishment from their slumbers. The idea of 
an enemy had not entered into their dreams, 
and the thought of surprise and capture was 
the last that could have occurred to them. Cap- 
tain de Laplace, the commander, was confront- 
ed by Colonel Allen in his quarters, before he 
had, time to dress, with a demand for the sur- 
render of the fort. " By what authority ?" 
asked the amazed officer. '*• I demand it," 
said Colonel Allen, ''in the name of the Conti- 
nental Congress," adding one of the irreverent 
expressions to which the colonel of the Green 
Mountain Boys was too much addicted. Captain 
de Laplace had no choice but to submit. It was 
a complete surprise in every sense ; for while the 
captain surrendered, he did not know under 
what authority his captor was acting. The news 
of the Lexington affair had not yet reached 
Ticonderoga. 

On the same day Colonel Seth Warner took 
possession of Crown Point, with as little diffi- 

6 



62 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1775. 

cult J as Ticonderoga had been captured. Skeens- 
boro, now called Whitehall, was also taken by 
another party. Thus while Major Skeen was 
absent in England, ended his well-meant efforts 
to govern a new province, to be erected out of 
the disputed New Hampshire grants. 

The total garrisons of these places did not 
amount to more than seventy men. But the 
stores and ammunition which fell into the hands 
of the captors, were the best results of the day's 
work. Over two hundred pieces of artillery, a 
large supply of powder, provisions, and materials 
for boat building, were among the property se- 
cured, and all without the loss of a man, or the 
infliction of a wound upon either party. A 
schooner seized at Skeensboro played also a 
useful part in the subsequent proceedings. The 
party who had captured it joined Arnold, and 
with these men he put in use his nautical expe- 
rience ; and assumed upon the water the prece- 
dence which Allen had refused him upon the 
land. A number of batteaux were procured, of 
which Allen took command. The wind giving 
the schooner the advantage, she outsailed the 
batteaux, and reaching St. John's, Arnold there 
surprised and captured a British armed vessel, 
the only one then on the lake, and returned with 
his prize to Ticonderoga. In this expedition a 
large addition was made to the valuable muni- 
tions of war which were seized by the Americans. 



1775.] PROGRESS OF THE REVOLUTION. 63 

Colonel Allen proposed to take and hold St. 
John's, but was obliged to retake hj the appear- 
ance of a superior force, which entered the place 
from Montreal. As the result of the six days' 
work, Lake Champlain and its fortresses fell 
into the hands of the Americans ; the main 
actors in these important successes being the 
proscribed Green Mountain Boys. So little, 
however, did the continental congress anticipate 
the result of the war thus commenced, that an 
inventory of the property captured was ordered 
to be taken, that at the close of the difficulty re- 
stitution of it might be made to the British go- 
vernment. The same congress, however, made 
such provision for the public service, that it was 
evident they considered the difficulty one which 
must be resolutely met. 

A full detail of the recent events in Massa- 
chusetts, the measures of Gage, the affiiirs of 
Lexington and Concord, and the oppressive acts 
of the British parliament, were laid before con- 
gress. Massachusetts led the way in giving the 
congress a legislative and executive power which 
the former congress had not assumed. The 
Massachusetts provincial congress asked advice 
as to the form of government to be assumed, 
now that the British government had violated the 
charter of the province; and they, likewise, de- 
sired the continental congress to assume com- 
mand of the troops assembled before Boston. 



64 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1775. 

In answer to these appeals, the continental 
congress recommended that Massachusetts should 
still act under her charter as near as might be 
under the circumstances. The governor ap- 
pointed by the king, in conformity with the 
charter, they could not recognise, since he had 
set the charter aside. The councillors appointed 
by the king they would not recognise, since 
these appointments were a violation of the char- 
ter. According to the suggestion of congress 
they elected representatives, those representa- 
tives chose counsellors, and the counsellors ex- 
ercised the powers formerly vested in the go- 
vernor and council. In relation to the other re- 
quest that the continental congress would assume 
the charge of the army, congress resolved that 
hostilities had been commenced by Great Britain, 
and that, therefore, the colonies ought to be put 
in a state of defence ; that no provisions should 
be furnished to the British army or navy ; that 
no bills drawn by British officers ought to be ne- 
gotiated; and that colonial ships ought not to 
be employed in the transportation of British 
troops. And while congress denied any inten- 
tion to throw off their allegiance, the appoint- 
ment of George Washington commander-in-chief, 
was unanimously made, and other officers were 
commissioned, thus creating a complete mili- 
tary establishment so far as the provision of 
officers were considered. 



1775.] POWERS ASSUMED BY CONGRESS. 65 

Thus did congress, in part, assume supreme 
power, and in part accept investment with it. 
Without precedents to refer to, and with no 
guides but patriotism, discretion, and a spirit of 
conciliation, this patriotic body undertook and 
maintained a work to which no other revolution- 
ary tribunal was ever competent. Much was 
done by tacit agreement. They formed their 
own precedents, were determined in their pro- 
gress by their own past usage, and met new exi- 
gencies with a wisdom to which the history of 
the world affords no parallel. Continental ap- 
pointments and commissions superseded or con- 
trolled provincial appointments ; and although 
there were unquestionably some heart-burnings, 
jealousies, and complaints, yet each submitted for 
the good of the whole, and the petition of Massa- 
chusetts put congress in command of the army 
through all the colonies, and for the whole pe- 
riod of the war. And if the continental con- 
gress was not, as in the course of our narrative 
will be shown, of power sufficient to compel jus- 
tice in all cases where their power was invoked 
so to do, we may wonder that such a body could 
accomplish so much, rather than be surprised 
that there were some things to which it was not 
equal. 

As we are not writing the history of the war, 
but only of one state in this confederacy, the 
general narrative will need to be introduced only 

6* 



66 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1775. 

SO far as it is necessary to the history of Ver- 
mont. Among the leading acts of the congress 
which assembled in the spring of 1775, besides 
those which we have already noticed, were the 
compilation of «' Articles of War;" the pro- 
vision of means for prosecuting it ; and the set- 
ting forth of a "Declaration of the Causes and 
Necessity of taking up Arms." A petition to the 
king was adopted, and an address to the inhabit- 
ants of Great Britain. A letter of thanks to 
the mayor and livery of London for their spirited 
opposition to the ministerial oppression of the 
colonies was prepared. Addresses were also 
published to the people of Ireland, of Jamaica, 
and of the Canadas. Indian boards were ap- 
pointed to treat with and conciliate the abori- 
gines ; and a post-office system was organized, 
at the head of which was placed Dr. Franklin, 
just displaced from the royal mail establishment. 
Some of the addresses above mentioned were 
repetitions of those issued by a former congress. 
Almost the only politic movement adopted by 
the British parliament, in the controversy with 
the provinces, had been taken in relation to 
Canada. By the act called the Quebec Act, the 
old French law was restored in that province, 
and the Roman church was guaranteed the pos- 
session of its immense property. The bound- 
aries of the province were extended so as to 
include that part of the territory now belonging 



1775.] QUEBEC ACT — ITS EESULTS. 67 

to the United States, which lies north of the 
Ohio River, and west of the Mississippi. This 
act, unpalatable to the small number of Eng- 
lishmen in the conquered province, and ob- 
noxious to the other colonies, was more potent 
than an army in securing Canada to Great Bri- 
tain. It secured the support of the clergy and 
the seigneurs ; and whatever temporary success 
attended American invasions, prevented that pro- 
vince, through their influence, from joining the 
American confederacy. The chances of war 
offered the Canadians their choice between alle- 
giance to a king who had just conferred upon 
them unlooked for advantages, and association 
with a people who had been active personal ene- 
mies in the colonial wars, and who were as 
much disliked as protestants, as they were hated 
as national enemies. Therefore the addresses 
of the continental congress, and the efforts of 
the continental army, were alike ineffectual ; 
and no small ground of this ill success was to be 
found in the fact, that while the Canadians 
were very affectionately appealed to in the ad- 
dresses of congress, in other documents ema- 
nating from the same body they were alluded 
to in terms of disrespect. 

The battle of Bunker Hill followed the skir- 
mishes at Lexington and Concord, and the 
seizure of Ticonderoga and Crown Point. The 
war had now in reality begun past recall, 



68 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1775. 

and the organization of the army made availa- 
ble the possession of Lake Champlain and its 
posts. They were garrisoned by troops under 
the command of officers holding commissions 
in the continental army. The possession of 
such advantages of position led the way to a 
series of offensive operations against Canada, 
in which the Green Mountain Boys largely 
partook. 



CHAPTER YI. 

Colonel Allen — Volunteer officers — Their difficulties with re- 
spect to rank in the continental army — Arnold superseded in 
command at Ticonderoga — Returns to Massachusetts — At- 
tempt upon Canada — Defenceless condition of that province 
— Regiment of Green Mountain Boys raised by Colonel 
Warner — Schuyler and Montgomery appointed to command 
the invading army — Supineness of the Canadians — Activity 
of General Carleton — Advance of Schuyler and Montgo- 
mery — Abortive attempt on Montreal — Ethan Allen captured 
and sent to England — Incidents of his captivity — Taking of 
Chambly by the Americans — Repulse of Carleton at Longue- 
isle by Colonel Warner — Surrender of St. John's to Mont- 
gomery — Surrender of Montreal — Narrow escape of Carle- 
ton — March of Arnold through the wilderness to Quebec — • 
He forms a junction with Montgomery — Attempt on Que- 
bec and death of Montgomery — Gallantry and hardihood of 
Arnold. 

Upon the capture of Ticonderoga and the 
other Champlain stations, Colonel Allen appears 
to have returned home, leaving Arnold in charge, 



1775.] ARONLD SUPERSEDED. G9 

that officer having a regular commission under 
the authority of Massachusetts. There was no 
provincial government in Vermont to grant com- 
missions, and Allen must have held his post as a 
volunteer, his rank being determined by the men 
under his command. Much difficulty, we may 
here observe, occurred in the early organization 
of the continental army, from the claims of 
volunteer officers to rank according to the num- 
ber of men they were able to bring with them ; 
and though this served the purpose of raising a 
large impromptu army, and collecting soldiers 
ready for an enthusiastic onslaught, it did not 
provide men patjent of discipline, or disposed to 
that perfect subordination and calm endurance of 
camp privations which are necessary in all true 
soldiers. Allen was rather what, in later times, 
has been termed a guerilla chief than a regular 
officer. 

Connecticut undertook to garrison these posts, 
and New York to supply them with provisions. 
Under this arrangement Arnold was superseded 
in the command at Ticonderoga, and being of a 
factious and troublesome spirit, ambitious and 
impatient of subordination, he disbanded his 
men, and returned to the camp before Boston. 
He was a disappointed man. He had written to 
congress, in conjunction with Allen, strongly 
urging a descent upon Canada ; and he wished 
for the opportunity to distinguish himself in that 



70 HISTOKY OF VERMONT. [1775. 

expedition, the success of which he boldly pre- 
dicted, as there were only two regiments of 
British regulars there. The greater part of the 
British forces on this continent were employed 
in the colonies which were actually in a state of 
insurrection ; and the British government count- 
ed, not entirely without foundation, as events 
proved, upon the effects of the Quebec Bill, 
already mentioned. If this bill did not produce 
enthusiasm in favour of Britain — if, indeed, it 
changed discontent from one class to another in 
Canada, it still produced the effect desired upon 
the great body of the people, securing, with 
some exceptions, their indifference, if not their 
active co-operation with the British forces. 

When first addressed upon the subject of in- 
vading Canada, congress was indisposed to enter 
upon offensive measures, preferring and vainly 
hoping to retain an attitude purely defensive. 
New York was particularly adverse at first to 
Arnold's project, but had voted to raise four 
regiments for the defence of the colony. To 
these four regiments was added another from 
the New Hampshire grants ; and Colonel Seth 
AVarner was commissioned under the authority 
of the continental congress to command this 
regiment of Green Mountain Boys. Five 
thousand men were voted for the northern ser- 
vice, including the regiments above named, and 
the Connecticut regiments in garrison on Lake 



1775.] ACTIVITY OF CARLETON. 71 

Cham plain. The command of this force was 
given to Major-Generals Philip Schuyler and 
Kichard Montgomery. 

Rumours prevailed that tlie British govern- 
ment was making exertions to induce the Ca- 
nadians and Indians to fall upon the frontier of 
the colonies. It was, therefore, decided to in- 
vade the province ; and it was proposed to de- 
tail two thousand men for that purpose. These 
men united with their warlike mission a sort of 
political propagandism. They were to treat the 
Canadians as friends and brothers, and were 
plentifully provided with such ammunition as 
proclamations and circular letters, exhorting the 
Canadians to arouse and assert their liberties, 
and declaring that the Americans entered their 
country not as enemies, but as friends and pro- 
tectors. Gen. Schuyler was authorized, ^'should 
he find the measure not disagreeable to the Ca- 
nadians^'' to take possession of St. John's and 
Montreal. 

General Carleton, the governor of Canada, 
was a man possessed of great energy and ad- 
dress, or he would not have been able to save the 
province to his royal master. Expectation in 
England was very much disappointed in rela- 
tion to the conduct of the Canadians. Twenty 
thousand stand of arms, and other military 
stores were sent out to Canada, to equip the in- 
habitants, who, it was supposed, would readily 



72 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1775. 

enlist ; and in lieu of transporting troops from 
Europe, the Canadians were to be used to over- 
whelm their rebellious neighbours. But the Ca- 
nadians absolutely refused to march out of the 
province. They would defend it, if attacked, 
but not embark in a quarrel which they did not 
understand. The Bishop of Quebec was ap- 
pealed to, but very properly refused to aid Gene- 
ral Carleton by an episcopal mandate. The 
clergy issued letters, and the seigneurs interested 
themselves, but the principal effect which these 
conflicting appeals from both sides, American 
and British, produced, was to make the great 
body of the people remain neutral, although 
some of them enlisted in both armies. The 
American proclamations, however, secured the 
invaders from molestation from the Canadians, 
except when the latter were compelled by the pre- 
sence of British regulars to take part in the contest. 
The provision of materials for boat building, 
found at Ticonderoga, at the time of its capture 
by the Americans in the spring, now came into 
service. While preparations were maturing for 
the invasion, intelligence was received that Gene- 
ral Carleton, wdth characteristic energy, was 
pushing forward to check it ; and fearing that he 
would get possession of the lake, and thus turn 
their projected invasion into a defence of their 
own territory, Generals Schuyler and Montgo- 
mery, in August, proceeded down the lake to 



1775.] ADVANCE OF MONTGOMERY. 73 

Isle Aux Noix, an islet in the Sorel River, com- 
manding its navigation, and there prepared to 
defend the passage. From thence they circulat- 
ed letters and proclamations through the adja- 
cent country ; and on the 6th of September were 
permitted to advance without molestation toward 
St. John's. This is a town at the head of the 
navigation of the river, and an important point. 
A landing was effected, the place was reconnoi- 
tered, and after a skirmish with an Indian party 
in which the savages were repulsed, the Ameri- 
cans fell back to the Isle Aux Noix. They 
found St. John's too well garrisoned and defend- 
ed to be assaulted without artillery. 

General Schuyler went back to Albany to 
hasten forward supplies, and left Montgomery in 
charge. On the 17th, having received reinforce- 
ments. General Montgomery pushed forward for 
a second attempt on St. John's. The place was 
garrisoned by nearly all the regular troops in 
the province, some six or eight hundred men, 
and was well supplied with artillery and the 
munitions of war. The first duty of Montgo- 
mery was to gain over the inhabitants of the 
country, and to detach the Indians who had 
joined General Carleton. He wished to secure 
himself from being compelled to raise the siege 
bv enemies without the town ; and in this under- 
taking he appears fully to have succeeded. Par- 
ties of his troops were scattered over the country, 



74 HISTORY OF VERMOJs'T. [1775. 

and were favourably received by the Canadians. 
The settlers were, it may well be supposed, very 
willing to enter into a compromise which left the 
invasion entirely an affair between their British 
masters and the invaders, while their own pro- 
perty was secure from molestation or injury. 

Colonel Allen, who of course accompanied the 
expedition, had command of one of these recon- 
noitering parties of eighty men. A portion of 
these were Green Mountain Boys — the residue 
Canadians. As Allen had commenced the suc- 
cesses of the American arms by the seizure of Ti- 
conderoga and Crown Point, he was easily per- 
suaded that Montreal, at that time the head- 
quarters of General Carleton, might be added to 
his list of captures. A night attack was con- 
certed between Allen and Major Brown. The 
latter, with two hundred men, was to land in the 
night, on the south side of Montreal, and Allen 
on the north, and both were to attack the post 
together. Allen landed with a little band of about 
one hundred men, but waited in vain for his ally, 
who failed to make his appearance. When day- 
light had made the surprise of the place im- 
practicable even had Allen been in force, he 
might still have saved himself by a retreat, but 
rashly determined to maintain his position. He 
was overpowered by a superior force ; and after 
a desperate resistance, in which fifteen of his 
men were killed, and several wounded, he was 



1775.] Allen's captivity. 75 

taken prisoner together with thirty-eight of his 
followers. General Carleton refused to recog- 
nise these captives as prisoners of war. They 
were loaded Ayith irons as felons, and sent to 
England for trial. Such w\as the issue of a rash 
attempt, made by Allen without orders. Gene- 
ral Carleton based his treatment on the plea that 
Allen was not a commissioned officer, but a leader 
of banditti. 

At a subsequent period in our history, the 
name of this brave but erratic man will again 
appear in connection w^ith the history of the 
state ; and we may here give his private history 
until that reappearance. Allen published a nar- 
rative of the events of his captivity, written in 
his usual strange style, but bearing the appear- 
ance of truthfulness. He was confined with his 
companions in a small apartment, on board of 
the vessel, w^ith hand-cuffs upon their wrists. 
Perhaps the idea which he gave of his prowess 
at the time of his capture, may have contributed 
to this harsh treatment. If the intention of 
trying Allen as a felon was entertained by his 
captors, it was abandoned. After a month's im- 
prisonment in Pendennis Castle, near Falmouth, 
he was sent back to America. For five months 
he was kept at Halifax, and thence transferred 
to New York. On the passage a plan was pro- 
jected among the prisoners, of whom there were 
many, to kill the English captain, and seize the 



76 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1775. 

frigate in which they were transported. But as 
that officer treated Allen with great kindness, he 
refused to join the conspiracy, and his refusal 
defeated the plan. Allen was a prisoner in New 
York a year and a half, sometimes confined, and 
sometimes at large on parole. In May, 1778, 
he was exchanged, and, repairing to the head- 
quarters of General Washington, was there 
treated with great respect. His health being 
shattered, he returned to Vermont to recruit, 
having made an offer of his services to the com- 
mander-in-chief when his health should be re- 
stored. He was received in Vermont by his old 
companions with great rejoicings; and as a mark 
of respect and confidence was appointed com- 
mander-in-chief of the militia of the state, but 
never had occasion to act in a military capacity. 
He resumed his pen, and besides the narrative of 
his captivity, published a " Vindication of the 
opposition of the inhabitants of Vermont to the 
government of New York, and of their right to 
form an independent state." 

To return to our narrative. General Schuyler 
was prevented by sickness from accompanying 
the invading forces, and the command devolved 
upon General Montgomery. The force, by the 
arrival of reinforcements and the addition of 
Canadian volunteers, was now swelled to between 
two and three thousand men, but they were wo- 
fully deficient in military stores. Understanding 



1775.] SIEGE OF ST. JOHN'S. 77 

that the little fortress of Chambly contained a 
large quantity of the munitions of war, Mont- 
gomery detailed a force against it, under Majors 
Brown and Livingston. The place was carried, 
after a short resistance, on the 18th of October, 
and the garrison, about one hundred men, sur- 
rendered prisoners of war. The standard of the 
7th Regiment was taken, and immediately for- 
warded to congress, the first trophy which they 
received. But what was much mxore valuable to 
the besiegers, was one hundred and twenty bar- 
rels of gunpowder, and a large quantity of mili- 
tary stores and provisions. 

With this seasonable supply, Montgomery re- 
newed the siege of St. John's with increased 
vigour. The garrison, momently expecting that 
the siege w^ould be relieved by General Carleton, 
defended the post with courage and resolution. 
Carleton made great exertions to raise a force 
for the purpose, but the determination of the 
Canadians to keep as far as possible out of the 
contest, made the raising of a proper force ex- 
ceedingly difficult. He was able to muster only 
one thousand men, including a few regulars, the 
militia of Montreal, Canadians and Indians. An- 
other body of troops under the veteran officer. 
Colonel McLean, was posted at the junction of 
the Sorel with the St. Lawrence. These troops 
were the remains of a Highland brigade, which 
had settled in Canada, and with some other 

7* 



78 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1775. 

Scotcli emigrants were re-mustered into the 
service. 

It was of the last importance to General 
Carleton to effect a junction with Col. McLean. 
For this purpose he attempted to land at Longue- 
islcj opposite Montreal. But Colonel Seth 
"Warner, with his Green Mountain regiment, 
who had detected and watched the movement, 
opened suddenly upon them such a well-directed 
and incessant fire of musketry, and grape from a 
single cannon, that the enemy was thrown into 
the' greatest confusion, and soon driven into a 
disorderly retreat. As General Carleton's com- 
mand was largely composed of Canadians, it was 
impossible to rally them, or lead them against 
the disadvantages of position, which only veterans 
would have overcome. The rout was complete. 
When the news of this reverse reached McLean, 
at his position at the junction of the Sorel, he 
saw the inutility of holding that post. His 
Canadian allies deserted him to a man. Having 
heard also that Quebec was threatened, he re- 
treated with his Highlanders to that important 
point. Colonel Warner immediately took pos- 
session of the post which McLean had abandon- 
ed, and proceeded to erect batteries, to arm 
rafts, and take other measures which effectually 
commanded the River St. Lawrence, and shut 
off the vessels at Montreal from escaping down 
the river. 



1775.] CAPITULATION OF ST. joiin's. 79 

General Montgomery, upon receiving the gra- 
tifying intelligence of the defeat of General 
Carleton by Colonel Warner, at once advised 
the commander of the garrison at St. John's of 
the fact, and summoned him to surrender. As 
all hope of relief was now gone, and to contend 
further would have been madness, the garrison, 
on the 3d of November capitulated, being al- 
lowed the honours of war. They were treated 
with the greatest courtesy by General Montgo- 
mery. The regulars, five hundred in number, 
were sent by the way of Ticonderoga, into the 
interior of New England. The English com- 
mander had endeavoured to obtain, in his capitu- 
lation, permission for the garrison to go to Eng- 
land, but this General Montgomery positively 
refused; although the manner in which he dic- 
tated his terms to the vanquished, elicited this 
strong praise from an English contemporary 
historian : '^ In all transactions with our forces, 
Montgomery wrote, spoke, and behaved with that 
attention, regard, and politeness to both private 
men and officers, which might be expected from 
a man of worth and honour, who found himself 
involved in an unhappy quarrel with his friends 
and countrymen." As an illustration of the ex- 
pectations of an early accommodation, still en- 
tertained, we may remark that while the officers 
were permitted to retain their swords, their 
other arms, it was promised, should be restored 



80 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1775. 

to them when the difficulty between the parent 
country and the colonies should pass away. 

General Montgomery followed up his advan- 
tage by presenting himself before Montreal. 
General Carleton with his regulars retreated to 
the flotilla, and Montreal surrendered to Mont- 
gomery, who occupied the place with his troops. 
Vigorous preparations were now made to attack 
the vessels of Carleton, but that officer made his 
escape in a boat with muffled oars, during a dark 
night, and hastened to Quebec. The vessels, 
with their stores and munitions, were captured 
by the Americans ; and the residue of the Bri- 
tish force, in an attempt to escape, were also 
captured. Had Carleton himself but been among 
the prisoners, the Canadian invasion would have 
ended in a complete triumph. 

Montgomery now pushed on for Quebec. But 
his force was reduced by the discharge of men 
whose term of enlistment had expired, and by 
the necessity of leaving garrisons at the forts 
he had captured, in order to keep open the com- 
munication with Lake Champlain. Only three 
hundred men followed him on his expedition 
against the capital of Canada. The winter 
march had its terrors, for it was near the close 
of November before it commenced. However, 
the woollens and other commissariat stores 
found in Montreal, in part abated the rigors of 
the service. 



1775.] MARCH THROUGH THE WILDERNESS. 81 

While the events which we have enumerated 
took place along the St. Lawrence, one of the 
most arduous military feats of the Revolutionary 
war was going on in another quarter. To take 
advantage of the absence of the Canadian force 
from Quebec, an expedition was planned to reach 
that city, by a march through the forests of 
Maine, and either reduce it in the deficiency of 
its defenders, or compel General Carleton to with- 
draw troops from Montreal for the defence of 
Quebec, and thus insure success to the American 
attempt on Montreal. After a march attended 
with almost incredible hardships, Arnold ap- 
peared before Quebec on the 9th of November. 
The march had occupied about six weeks ; and 
from the time of leaving the last settlement on 
the Kennebec, to which point they were trans- 
ported with comparative ease, the remainder of 
their route lay through an uninhabited wilder- 
ness. The command originally consisted of 
about a thousand men ; but one-third, composing 
the rear division, turned back on account of the 
scarcity of provisions, and with the rest Arnold 
gallantly persevered. He had no other guide 
than the journal of a British ofncer, who had 
made the same journey some years before. But 
he was supported by the gallantry of his troops, 
who displayed a courage and fortitude in suffer- 
ing never exceeded in the annals of warfare. 
When at length they reached the scattered habi- 



82 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1775. 

tations of the Canadians, their last morsel of 
food was consumed. 

Bare time was taken to refresh the men and 
re-organize the troops, over Avhom there had been 
little attempt at discipline for the last few days 
of famishing. Proclamations of a similar tenor 
to those distributed among the Canadians by 
Montgomery were circulated. An Indian scout 
had been despatched to inform Generals Schuyler 
and Montgomery of the arrival of Arnold in 
Canada. Unfortunately, the scout -fell into the 
hands of Colonel McLean, and that officer, as 
before related, hastened from Sorel to Quebec, 
with his Highlanders. When Arnold arrived at 
Point Leon, opposite Quebec, the high winds and 
want of boats rendered the passage of the river 
impossible. On the night of the 14th of No- 
vember, he effected the transportation of his 
troops across — a wonderful feat, when we con- 
sider the frail nature of his boats, the danger 
of the rapid current, and the presence of the 
armed vessels. The very temerity of the under- 
taking caused its success. ^ 

On landing on the Quebec side, he had still 
nearly two miles march before he could find a 
place where the rugged cliffs could be surmount- 
ed. But he marched down the shore to Wolfe's 
cove, and with his hardy band, encountering the 
same obstacles that the British hero had sur- 
mounted, he stood at midnight, with the advance 



1775.] ATTEMPT ON QUEBEC. 83 

party, on the Heights of Abraham. He wished 
to press forward at once and attempt a surprise, 
but was overruled bj his officers in a council of 
war. The opportunity of a surprise was lost, 
and Arnold had no artillery or other implements 
required for an assault. Nearly one-third of his 
muskets had been rendered useless by the hard- 
ships of the march through the wilderness, and 
of powder there was not more than sufficient for 
six or seven rounds to a man. Still he flattered 
himself that some defection in the town would 
yet put it into his hands. He paraded on the 
heights for some days, and sent two flags de- 
manding a surrender. But General McLean, 
who had experience of American operations, 
and who probably feared what Arnold hoped, re- 
fused to suffer any communication with him, and 
even fired upon the flags as they approached. 
Fear united the disaffected ; and while Arnold 
could hold no intercourse with the town, and 
thus failed in opportunity, and perhaps in incli- 
nation, to assure the people of the safety of their 
property, the heterogeneous population joined 
for defence ; the sailors were landed to strengthen 
the garrison, and its force soon exceeded that 
of the besiegers. Under these discouraging 
circumstances Arnold retired to Point Aux Trem- 
bles, to await the arrival of General Montgomery. 
On his march he unconsciously passed General 
Carleton, who was on his way to Quebec. 



84 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1776. 

Montgomery joined Arnold at the beginning 
of December, and comforted his half-naked troops 
with clothing and other necessaries. The united 
forces of the two expeditions did not exceed a 
thousand men, of whom only eight hundred 
could be counted effective. It was truly a for- 
lorn and most desperate condition. The winter 
was too severe to attempt a regular siege, and 
the opening of spring would certainly bring re- 
inforcements to the enemy. Under all these 
circumstances, and knowing the high expecta- 
tions which were entertained in the colonies. 
General Montgomery at once determined on 
an assault. 

Accordingly, on the night of the 31st of De- 
cember it was attempted. Four parties ap- 
proached the walls in four directions, and the 
plan was so well concerted that every part seem- 
ed equally threatened. A violent storm of snow 
made the attack less expected. Some Canadians, 
posted at a block-house, fled before Montgomery, 
throwing away their arms. He was himself at 
the head of his detachment, and the difficulties 
of the way had lengthened his line so much that 
he was compelled to wait until his men came up. 
He assisted with his own hands to remove ob- 
structions. Meanwhile, the terror which the fu- 
gitives had occasioned within the walls some- 
what abated ; and as Montgomery rapidly ad- 



1776.] DEATH OF MONTGOMERY. 85 

vancecl at the head of his men, one or two of 
the garrison had ventured to return to the bat- 
tery which commanded the pass. One of them 
seized a match and discharged a gun. This ac- 
cidental fire proved fatal to the enterprise and 
its commander. Montgomery fell, and with him 
Captains McPherson and Cheeseman, an orderly 
sergeant and a private, all the result of a chance 
fire. The party, dispirited, instantly retreated, 
and the whole strength of the garrison was 
turned to the repulse of Arnold. Of the four 
apparent attacks two were feints, those only com- 
manded by Arnold and Montgomery being real. 
Arnold was thrown out of the combat by a ball 
which shattered his leg, and he was carried off the 
field. Captain Daniel Morgan then led the at- 
tack, but succeeded only in forcing his way into 
a place from which, after a bloody contest, his 
retreat was cut ofi". He was compelled, with 
three hundred and forty men, to surrender ; and 
the loss in killed, principally in Arnold's divi- 
sion, was over sixty. 

We have pursued this account of the invasion 
of Canada with the more minuteness, since its 
way lay through Vermont ; and the seizure of the 
posts on Lake Champlain, by which the enter- 
prise was suggested, was the work of the Green 
Mountain Boys. They aided largely in the 
successful operations on the Sorel River. And 

8 



86 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1776. 

they, too, were active in the events which fol- 
lowed the disastrous retreat, which was at last 
compensated for by the capture of Burgoyne. 
To the history of Vermont, more than to that of 
any other of the states, does this passage in our 
annals belong. 

By the abortive attempt on Canada, the fact 
was demonstrated that a union, by the free will 
of the Canadians, to the other colonies was not 
to be counted upon. They would cheerfully, 
perhaps, have acquiesced could the other pro- 
vinces have expelled the British from them ; but 
they seemed willing to incur neither loss, expo- 
sure, nor expense for the advancement of either 
party. And w^hen they perceived that the con- 
tinental congress, instead of sending an army 
into Canada to hold it against the British, and 
to enrich the province by the purchase of sup- 
plies, relied upon the efforts of the Canadians 
themselves, they became very loyal subjects of 
Great Britain ; particularly in the expectation 
of the arrival of British reinforcements. 

Colonel Arnold fell back three miles from 
Quebec, and with wonderful perseverance and 
hardihood put on a complexion of confidence 
which retained the respect of the Canadians. 
The remains of his shattered force were kept to- 
gether, and through the winter the blockade of 
Quebec was kept up. General Carleton attempt- 
ed no sorties; and behind their ramparts of ice 



1776.] UNION OF THE COLONIES. 87 

and snow, the gallant little besieging party 
awaited succour. Despatches had been sent to 
Montreal for assistance, and in the colonies ef- 
forts were immediately made to raise and forward 
reinforcements. 



CHAPTER VII. 

The people of the New Hampshire grants apply to congress 
for advice — Their anomalous position — Convention at Dorset 
and petition to congress — 'J'he memorial withdrawn — Re- 
sumption of operations in Canada — ■Difficulties of Arnold 
with the Canadians — Breaking out in camp of the small-pox 
— Arnold takes command at Montreal, and is succeeded 
by General Thomas before Quebec — Arrival of relief to 
Quebec — Retreat of the Americans to Sorel — Death of 
General Thomas — Unfortunate attempt to surprise Three 
Rivers — Retreat to St. John's — To Isle Aux Noix — To 
Ticonderoga — General Sullivan is superseded by General 
Gates — Organization of a naval force — Difficulties with 
which it was attended — British preparations — General 
Arnold appointed to commaxid the American flotilla — En- 
gagement on the 11th of October — Great superiority of the 
British force — Renewed engagement on the 13th — Gallant 
conduct of Arnold — Summary of results — Sir Guy Caileton 
menaces Ticonderoga, but returns to winter quarters without 
an attack. 

Congress now (1775-6) had representatives 
from the Thirteen United Colonies, Georgia 
having come into the confederation, and New 
York being convinced that temporizing measures 
would serve no longer. The Green Mountain 



88 HISTORY OF VERxMONT. [1776. 

Boys, although they had a regiment in the con- 
tinental army, were as yet unassigned, and be- 
longed to no government. In this difficulty, 
probably influenced by the example of Massa- 
chusetts, they sent deputies to Philadelphia to 
ask advice of congress as to what course it was 
best for them to pursue. But these gentle- 
men had not the advantage of membership of 
that body, and could only obtain informal and 
individual counsel. The opinion of several lead- 
ing members was, that they should form a tempo- 
rary^ association for the management of the 
business of the whole population on the New 
Hampshire grants, and conduct their local af- 
fairs by committees. 

The people had already adopted these sugges- 
tions. Their government had been managed by 
meetings of towns, by committees, officers, and 
by leaders — sometimes appointed in public meet- 
ings, and sometimes acting by the implied con- 
sent of the public. This state of things, par- 
ticularly west of the mountains, had groAvn out 
of the necessity for union to resist the aggres- 
sions of New York. But now that the need of 
association to resist the overt acts of that pro- 
vince had ceased, the people began to feel their 
anomalous position. They were willing to take 
part in the struggle against Great Britain, but 
they were not willing to be mustered into 
the service as belonging to the province or 



1776.] CONVENTION AT DORSET. 89 

colony of New York ; for such an admission 
would be a virtual surrender of all tliej had 
been contending for. And they desired some- 
thing more positive than the unofficial recom- 
mendations of members of congress in their 
private capacity. 

In order to procure some definite arrangement, 
the people of the New Hampshire grants met in 
convention at Dorset, on the 16th of January, 
1776. They drew up a memorial, which they 
styled '' The humble petition, address, and re- 
monstrance of that part of America, being situ- 
ated south of Canada line, west of Connecticut 
River, comuionly called and known by the name 
of the New Hampshire grants." They avowed 
their readiness, in this memorial, to bear a full 
proportion for the support of the contest in 
which the colonies were engaged ; they ex- 
pressed their zeal in the common cause, and 
their willingness to be called upon whenever 
congress should judge it necessary. But they 
declared their reluctance to put themselves under 
the provincial government of New York, because 
they Avould do nothing which might afterward be 
construed into an acknowledgment of the au- 
thority of that province. And they concluded 
by requesting that whenever congress should find 
it necessary to call upon them, they should not 
be called upon as inhabitants of New York, or 

as persons subject to the limitations, restrictions, 

8* 



90 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1776. 

or regulations of the militia of that province, 
but as inhabitants of the New Hampshire grants. 
And they prayed that whatever commissions 
should be granted to any of their inhabitants, 
might be so worded as to respect their position 
in this particular. 

The effect of action upon this petition, by 
congress, would have been to determine the 
points in dispute between the contending parties. 
It is true that an effort was made to pursue a 
middle course. The committee to whom the me- 
morial was referred, reported a recommendation 
that the petitioners should submit for the present 
to the government of New York, and assist their 
countrymen in the contest with Great Britain ; 
but that such submission ought not to prejudice 
their right to any land in controversy, or be con- 
strued to affirm or admit the jurisdiction of New 
York, when the troubles then existing should be 
ended. Mr. Heman Allen, the agent of Ver- 
mont, justly considered that this report, if 
adopted, and its resolution passed, would weaken 
the position of the petitioners, by putting them 
in an antagonistic position with congress if they 
refused to submit, as he judged they would ; or 
would do prejudice to their cause with New York 
if they acceded, the promise to the contrary 
notwithstanding. Under such circumstances, 
Mr. Allen deemed it prudent to withdraw the 
petition, and he obtained leave so to do. The 



1776.] DIFFICULTIES WITH THE CANADIANS. 91 

petition was witliflrawn on the 4t}i of June. One 
month later congress published the Declaration 
of Independence. 

With the opening of spring, Arnold resumed 
active operations against Quebec, as far as his 
circumstances would admit. Reinforcements 
were under orders from the United Colonies, but 
the nature of the route they were obliged to 
take, and the severity of the Canadian winter, 
impeded their advance, and on the 1st day of 
May, 1776, the American force before Quebec 
did not exceed nineteen hundred men. The po- 
sition of the army in reference to the Canadians 
had become most unfortunate. While Wash- 
ington declared, in a letter to General Schuyler, 
that '' Canada could only be secured by laying 
hold of the aifections of the people, and engaging 
them heartily in the common cause ;" and while 
congress fully endorsed this opinion by their 
acts and resolutions, circumstances entirely frus- 
trated this enlightened policy. After the death 
of Montgomer}^, who had all the suavity of the 
gentleman united to the courage of the soldier, 
the efforts to conciliate the people, which had 
formed a part of the plan of the invasion, were 
interrupted. The priests were neglected, and 
their wavering course now terminated in adhe- 
sion to the cause of the crown. A commission, 
consisting of Dr. Franklin, Samuel Chase, and 
Charles Carroll, of Carrollton, was sent by con- 



92 HISTORY or VERMONT. [1776. 

gress into Canada with full powers to treat with 
the provincials. But the mission was too late, 
and did not reach Montreal until the tide had so 
completely turned that the invasion was aban- 
doned as hopeless. 

Congress had resolved that those Canadians 
who adhered to the American cause should be 
compensated for any injury that they might suf- 
fer. But this resolution weighed little against 
the stubborn facts and necessities of the case. 
To supply the wants of the army, General Arnold 
issued a proclamation making paper money cur- 
rent, and promising to redeem it in four months, 
and declaring those enemies who should refuse 
to receive it. Military orders proved no better 
than civil edicts in giving value to a valueless 
currency, and great discontents were caused 
among the Canadians by the effort at coercion. 
General Carleton made good use of the dissatis- 
faction of the Canadians, and was not without 
hope of raising the siege of Quebec through 
their assistance. Early in the spring he de- 
tached sixty men from the garrison, to form the 
nucleus of a relieving force. The Canadians 
were joining it in great numbers when Arnold 
sent a detachment, wdiich routed the party. 
Arnold had despatched an express to Wooster, 
who was at Montreal, to bring succours and as- 
sume the command. Wooster arrived on the 1st 
of April, and on the next day Arnold received 



1776.] SMALL-POX IX THE CAMP. 93 

an injury by the fall of his horse, which confined 
him for some time to his bed. 

To add to the discomfort and peril of the 
small American force, the small-pox now broke 
out among the troops. So great was the terror 
from this loathsome disease, that it was with 
difficulty the army could be saved from total 
dispersion. Discipline and order were out of 
the question ; and the ineffectiveness of the be- 
sieging force was increased by the fact that the 
soldiers, in defiance of orders to the contrary, 
inoculated themselves, as that course was under- 
stood to diminish the danger of the disease. 
General Arnold retired to Montreal and took 
command of that post. 

General Thomas, who had been appointed by 
congress to the command of the Canadian army, 
arrived at the camp near Quebec on the first of 
May. He found the small force so enfeebled by 
sickness, that not more than nine hundred men 
were effective, and of these three hundred were 
entitled to their discharge, and clamorously de- 
manded it. Some show of operations had been 
made against Quebec; but under the disadvan- 
tage of want of men and munitions nothing was 
accomplished. Early in May, the British ship 
Isis — name ominous of hope to the royalists — 
forced her way up to Quebec with men and sup- 
plies. General Thomas, before this arrival, had 
determined upon falling back, and tea/ms and 



94 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1T76. 

men were promised by the inhabitants to assist 
in the removal of stores. But the fickle Cana- 
dians went over to the royalists, and the Ameri- 
can army not only lost their aid but all means 
of an orderly retreat. The British re-captured 
the vessels which the Americans had taken. On 
the sixth of May, the very day of the landing 
of the reinforcements. General Carleton marched 
out at noon, with eight hundred men, to give 
battle to the Americans in their camp. He 
found it deserted by all who were in a condition 
to travel ; and so precipitate had the movement 
been, that most of the sick and all the military 
stores fell into his hands. The sick, not only in 
camp, but such as were in huts and concealed in 
the woods, were sought out by proclamation, and 
treated with the most humane attention. The 
Americans continued their retreat till they 
reached the junction of the Sorel and the St. 
Lawrence, and there General Thomas was seized 
with the small-pox and died. 

Laro-e reinforcements had now arrived to the 
assistance of the British in Canada, making 
their number about thirteen thousand men. 
Their advanced post was at Three Rivers. The 
Americans at Sorel were joined by about four 
thousand men under General Sullivan, who 
reached that post early in June. Previous to 
his arrival, General Thompson, who had suc- 
ceeded to the command upon the death of Gene- 



1776.] RETREAT TO ST. JOHN'S. 95 

ral Thomas, had despatched an expedition to 
surprise Three Rivers. It was understood that 
at that post there were only about eight hundred 
men, composing the advance of the British army. 
General Sullivan, upon assuming the command, 
sent General Thompson, with fourteen hundred 
men, to the aid of the detachment already sent 
to Three Rivers. The result was most disastrous. 
The Americans, who had counted on surprising 
the enemy, were delayed and discovered. They 
were repulsed in the attack on the village, and 
their retreat being cut off, two hundred men were 
made prisoners, including General Thompson and 
Colonel Irwin. About thirty Americans were 
killed, while the British loss was inconsiderable. 
On the 14th of June, having with him only 
about two thousand five hundred effective men, 
General Sullivan was compelled to retreat from 
Sorel, and fell back to Chambly. Here he was 
joined by Arnold, who had been compelled to 
evacuate Montreal. That post had been menaced 
by a superior British force, its outposts having 
fallen into the hands of the enemy, who now, in 
full strength, and flushed with success, were 
driving the Americans rapidly before them. 
The Canadians and Indians, sure on which side 
the greatest strength lay, were no longer passive, 
but flocked to the royal standard. From Cham- 
bly, the remains of the American army, now so 
much inferior to the British that resistance was 



96 HISTOKY OF VERMONT. [1776. 

out of the question, fell back to St. Jolm's. As 
the British under Carleton entered Chamblj on 
one side, the Americans marched out on the 
other. 

On the 18th of June, Sir Guy Carleton reached 
St. John's in the evening. The Americans had 
retreated, taking every thing of value. A detach- 
ment of the American army remained behind to 
complete the demolition of the fort and barracks, 
and left the place just as the enemy approached. 
The armed vessels on the Sorel and St. Law- 
rence Rivers were destroyed to jDrevent their 
falling into the hands of the British, but all the 
baggage of the army and nearly all the stores 
were saved. At Chambly there are falls in the 
river which precluded the possibility of saving 
the larger vessels. The batteaux were dragged 
up the rapids, and served for the embarkation of 
the troops. At St. John's the pursuit by the 
British ceased, as they had no flotilla which 
could be carried over the rapids. General Sul- 
livan conducted the retreat with consummate 
skill and caution, and received the thanks of 
congress for his conduct; and General Carleton 
was rewarded for repelling the invasion by the 
Order of the Bath. It is seldom that the suc- 
cessful and unsuccessful both are complimented 
by their governments. The American army pro- 
ceeded up Lake Champlain to Crown Point, and 
thence to Ticonderoga, where General Sullivan 



1776.] GATES APPOINTED GENERAL. 97 

was succeeded in the command hj General Gates, 
and measures were taken to restore the health 
and recruit the strength of men, who, in the 
strong language of John Adams, were "disgraced, 
defeated, discontented, dispirited, diseased, un- 
disciplined, eaten up with vermin, no clothes, 
beds, blankets, or medicines, and no victuals but 
salt and flour." The temptation to alliteration 
must have prompted part of that sentence. De- 
feated the army certainly was, but it was by the 
rigors of the climate, and by a vastly superior 
force — defeated but not disgraced. It was an 
unfortunate expedition — undertaken under what 
proved to be a very wrong estimate of the cha- 
racter of the Canadians ; but it gave opportu- 
nity for the exhibition of prodigies of valor, re- 
markable address, and wonderful endurance of 
hardship. The honour paid to Sir Guy Carleton 
by the British crown was no less a compliment 
to the American army than to the successful 
general. 

Additional troops arrived at the head-quarters 
of General Gates, and the new recruits were as- 
sembled at Skeensboro, (now Whitehall,) to es- 
cape the danger of infection from the small-pox. 
A hospital was established for the sick, and by 
patient drilling the effects of the disasters of 
the late invasion were corrected in the older 
troops, while the new levies were schooled in 
military tactics. Another important matter also 



98 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1776. 

required attention. It was well understood that 
the pursuit of the American army beyond the 
Sorel was only prevented by the want of a naval 
armament on the part of the British ; and that 
they were as fast as possible providing the ne- 
cessary means of prosecuting the war. General 
Gates took command on the 12th of July. 
General Schuyler was appointed to the lake 
service, and by the 18th of August following had 
succeeded in refitting, building, and equipping 
fifteen vessels of different sizes. This work was 
done under great disadvantages, not the least of 
which was the difficulty of procuring shipwrights. 
The privateers and national vessels building at 
the different seaports, employed so many men, 
that it was almost impossible to induce the re- 
quisite workmen to go to Lake Champlain. But 
trees were felled in the woods and dragged by 
hand to the lake shore, and naval equipments 
were transported over roads almost impassable, 
with a vigour and resolution which marked the 
enterprises of that day, and which seemed to 
rise in proportion to the obstacles which were to 
be surmounted. 

Meanwhile the British had obtained vessels 
constructed in England expressly for this service. 
Although it was found that the larger ones could 
not be got over the falls of the Sorel River at 
Chambly, this difficulty was surmounted by taking 
them in pieces, transporting them by land-car- 



1776.] NAVAL ENGAGEMENT. 99 

riage, and reconstructing them above the falls. 
There were about thirty vessels, ships, schoon- 
ers, radeaux or rafts, and gun-boats, intended 
for attack and defence. There were also a suf- 
ficient number of boats for burden and the 
transportation of troops. These vessels were 
manned by eight hundred men, drafted from the 
British fleet, besides a detachment of artillerists 
to serve the guns. There were more seamen 
alone on board the British flotilla than the Ame- 
rican complement of sailors and soldiers. The 
British force may be safely estimated at double 
that of the American. The metal of the British 
guns was heavier, and in all respects their ves- 
sels were better appointed. 

General Arnold, of whose nautical experience 
we have before spoken, was put at the head of 
the American flotilla, and most of the vessels 
were commanded by ofScers of the army. Zeal 
and resolution, and the American faculty of 
adaptation to circumstances, stood them in stead 
of skill and experience. On the 11th of October, 
the British flotilla off'ered battle to the American, 
and presented itself in full force, so confident of 
victory that it came into the engagement under 
the disadvantage of an unfavourable wind. The 
larger vessels could not be brought into action, 
but good service was done by the long boats of 
the British, which could creep to windward. 
The contest was kept up for several hours, the 



100 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1776. 

Americans mamtainina; their fyround. No vessel 
was captured on either side, though two of the 
British gondolas were destroyed, and an Ameri- 
can schooner was burned and a gondola sunk. 
One or two vessels were much crippled, and sixty 
men, on the American side, were killed or 
wounded. The British acknowledged a loss of 
forty. The British drew off and anchored out 
of gun-shot, intending to renew the attack in the 
morning. 

Finding that to contend with a force so supe- 
rior was out of the question, General Arnold got 
under w^eigh in the night, and, favoured by the 
darkness and the fog, escaped with all his vessels. 
The British flotilla pursued, but the wind was 
adverse, and slow progress was made by either. 
On the 12th nothing occurred but the loss of one 
American gondola, w^hich was overtaken and 
captured by the pursuers, and the abandonment 
of others, which were sunk to prevent their being 
captured. On the 13th, at noon, the British 
flotilla came within gunshot of the Americans. 
The Congress galley, on board of which was 
Arnold, and the Washington galley. General 
Waterbury, covered the retreat of the American 
flotilla. The Washington galley, having been 
disabled on the 11th, was compelled to strike. 
Arnold, in the Congress, defended himself "like 
a lion." The galley carried ten guns, and was 
at once engaged with the ship Inflexible of six- 



1776.] SUMMARY OF RESULTS. 101 

teen guns, the schooner Mann of fourteen, and 
the Carleton of twelve. He occupied these 
three vessels long enough to permit the escape 
of four or five of his flotilla, which made their 
way safe to Ticonderoga, the encounter taking 
place near Crown Point. It was now a strug- 
gle for trophies on the one hand, and for escape 
of men and destruction of vessels on the other. 
In spite of strenuous efi'orts of the British, Arnold 
managed to run his galley and some other vessels 
on shore, and blow them up after landing the 
men. The Congress blew up with colours flying, 
and the "bones" of the gallant little craft were 
to be seen upon the beach near Otter Creek for 
many years. The Americans lost eleven vessels 
and ninety men. The British had one vessel 
blown up and two sunk, and their loss in men 
was reported at fifty. 

The character of the engagement is thus 
stated by Cooper in his Naval History of the 
United States. " Although the result of this 
action was so disastrous, the American arms 
gained much credit by their obstinate resistance. 
General Arnold, in particular, covered himself 
with glory, and his example appears to have 
been nobly followed by most of his officers and 
men. Even the enemy did justice to the resolu- 
tion and skill with which the American flotilla 
was managed, the disparity in the force render- 
ing victory out of the question from the first. 

9* 



102 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1776. 

The manner in which the Congress was fought, 
until she had covered the retreat of the galleys, 
and the stubborn resolution with which she was 
defended until destroyed, converted the disas- 
ters of this part of the day into a species of 
triumph." 

An attack on Ticonderoga was now appre- 
hended. The fortress of Crown Point had been 
occupied by the Americans as an outpost, but 
General Gates withdrew the garrison, destroyed 
the fortifications, and every thing else which 
could not be removed. He concentrated his 
forces at Ticonderoga, and was soon joined by 
new levies, and with the restoration of the sick 
found himself at the head of twelve thousand 
effectives. Sir Guy Carleton landed his troops 
at Crown Point, and all eyes were turned to the 
lake shores as about to be the theatre of a deci- 
sive battle. Sir Guy approached Ticonderoga, 
as if designing to invest it, but " after recon- 
noitering the works, and observing the steady 
countenance of the garrison, he thought it too 
late to lay siege to the fortress. Re-embarking 
his army, he returned to Canada, where he placed 
it in winter quarters, making the Isle Aux Noix 
liis most advanced post." Thus ended the Ca- 
nadian invasion, and the operations on Lake 
Champlain were closed for the year 1776. 



1776.] DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 103 



CHAPTER Vni. 

Declaration of Independence by congress — Its effects — Anec- 
dote of Colonel Skeen — Renewal of the difficulty with New 
Fork — Action of the New York convention — Counter-action 
in Vermont — Convention at Dorset — Resolutions to support 
the common cause — Preparations for a state government — 
Convention at Westminster — Vermont declaration of inde- 
pendence and memorial to Congress — Counter memorial 
from New York — Second New York memorial — Letter of 
Thomas Young to the inhabitants of Vermont — Third New 
York memorial — Rejection by congress of the petition of 
Vermont — Meeting in Vermont to adopt a constitution — 
Action upon the instrument reported — Abandonment of Ti- 
conderoga by the American force and consequent alarm. 

The Declaration of Independence, by wliich 
the style of the confederacy was changed to the 
Thirteen United States, did not come sud- 
denly or unexpectedly upon the people. It had 
been debated and considered throughout the 
land, as the difficulties of maintaining the pro- 
fession of allegiance while the colonies were in 
actual rebellion became more and more apparent, 
and the absurdity of such a position more evi- 
dent. Great Britain exhibited no disposition to 
conciliate ; the breach grew wider and wider ; 
and although the timid feared, and some official 
steps had been taken in several of the state le- 



104 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1776. 

gislatnres deprecating a '' separation from our 
mother country," yet when the deed was formally 
done, men's minds were relieved. The questions 
which were presented became less complicated. 
All were narrowed down to the inquiry, how 
successful resistance of Great Britain could best 
be maintained. 

But the New Hampshire grants, as Vermont 
was still called, were in a posture as difficult as 
ever. Colonel Skeen had obtained a commission 
from the British crown, and returned to endea- 
vour to put it in force, though what extent of 
territory was proposed to annex to his govern- 
ment of Ticonderoga nobody knew. Probably, 
had he obtained this commission ten years be- 
fore, he would have been discovered to be a man 
after the Green Mountain Boys' own heart. He 
was brave, bluff, facetious, and hard to intimi- 
date. On his return from England, in 1775, he 
w^as taken into custody in Philadelphia, and re- 
tained for some time a prisoner, since he came 
with authority to raise a royal regiment. He 
was placed under guard at his lodgings, at the 
City Tavern ; and Graydon, in his memoirs, re- 
lates the following amusing incident, of which 
he was an eye-witness. Skeen was to be re- 
moved from his lodgings, in Philadelphia, to a 
place of greater security, and the detailing of a 
guard for this purpose caused quite a crowd to 
assemble. The Aveather was warm, the windows 



1776.] DIFFICULTY RENEWED. 105 

were open, and Skeen, having JSnislied his dinner, 
was discussing his wine and walnuts, while the 
guard politely waited his leisure. In compliment 
to his auditory, Skeen struck up ^' God save 
great George our king," in the voice of a sten- 
tor, and finished the song, highly to the amuse- 
ment of the crowd, who thus got much more 
than they bargained for. Mr. Graydon, who 
afterward met him when their positions were 
changed, Graydon being a prisoner and Skeen 
among his friends, speaks in gratified terms of 
the staunch royalist's consideration and kindness. 
He seemed to be rather pleased than otherwise 
with the audacity of the rebels, having that sym- 
pathy with their courage which was natural to 
an old soldier who had seen service, and could 
appreciate daring. Such a man would have been 
a highly popular provincial governor for the 
Green Mountain Boys ; and, as we shall pre- 
sently see, he did not despair of that post. 

New York, with wonderful tenacity, continued 
her claims upon the New Hampshire grants. 
After the formal severance of the colonies from 
Great Britain, the convention of the state of 
New York unanimously resolved ^' That all quit 
rents formerly due to the king of Great Britain, 
were now due and owing to this convention, or 
such future government as shall hereafter be es- 
tablished in this state." This was reviving the 
old colonial dispute in a most unbrotherly man- 



106 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1776. 

ner ; for better things might have been expected 
of men engaged in the same heroic and perilous 
cause. The Green Mountain Boys were resolute 
in the determination not to submit to any such 
surrender of their rights, though to contend 
against New York would probably involve them 
in a contest with congress also. The course 
which had been taken upon their memorial to 
congress, showed them how little hope they had 
in that body against the influence which New 
York could bring; and yet to remain in their 
present condition seemed impossible. 

While the great body of the people was reso- 
lute in maintaining a resistance to New York, 
there was a portion of the less daring who saw 
no other course but submission. Another party 
was in favour of joining New Hampshire, and 
claiming the protection of that state. But the 
leading minds, which always in times of danger 
influence the whole body, were clearly in favour 
of putting an end to the pretensions of New 
York by erecting the territory into an inde- 
pendent state. They saw no reason why the 
claims of Great Britain should fall to New York, 
by the severance of the colonies from the mxOther 
country, and reasoned that those claims or rights 
ceased, or became vested in the people of the 
grants. In order to produce concert, and to de- 
termine what was the view of the majority, a 
convention was called to meet at Dorset, July 



1776.] MEETINGS IN CONVENTION. 107 

24 th, 1776. Thirty-five towns were represented 
in this convention, by fifty-one delegates. They 
agreed to support the Declaration of Indepen- 
dence, made by the Congress of the Thirteen 
United States, and to enter into an association 
among themselves for the defence of the country 
against Great Britain. But they firmly adhered 
to their former action against New York, and de- 
clared that any of the inhabitants of the New 
Hampshire grants, who should acknowledge the 
authority of New York, should be deemed ene- 
mies to the common cause. The convention pro- 
ceeded carefully, and made their acts rather ini- 
tiatory than final ; being anxious to secure the co- 
operation of the whole people in a measure so 
important. The body adjourned to meet again 
in a month; and on the 25th of September, being 
again assembled, they resolved without any dis- 
sentient voice, ^' to take suitable measures, as 
soon as may be, to declare the New Hampshire 
grants a free and independent district." And 
the same body resolved that " no law or laws, 
direction or directions from the state of New 
York, should be accepted." 

Having thus given the contemplated measure 
another degree of furtherance, the convention 
adjourned without day. The two meetings above 
referred to had been held at Dorset, on the west 
side of the mountains, where the people were 
most sensitive to the threatened aggressions of 



108 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1777. 

New York. The next convention was held at 
Westminster, on the east side of the Green 
Mountain range, celebrated for the collision with 
the sheriff and posse, mentioned in a preceding 
chapter. At this convention delegates were 
present from the towns in both sections of the 
territory. In the four months which had elapsed 
since the Dorset convention, the matter had 
been discussed and consulted upon in all its 
bearings, and the prevailing sentiment of the 
people was well understood. The proceedings 
of the convention were in unison with the popu- 
lar voice. This body assembled on the 15th of 
January, 1777. Their proceedings look like 
foregone conclusions, for on the next day a de- 
claration was unanimously adopted, which finally 
determined their attitude. The declaration was 
as follows : — 

" This convention, whose members are duly 
chosen by the free voice of their constituents, in 
the several towns in the New Hampshire grants, 
in public meeting assembled, in our own names, 
and in behalf of our constituents, do hereby pro- 
claim and publicly declare, that the district of 
territory comprehending, and usually known by 
the name of the New Hampshire grants, of right 
ought to be, and is hereby declared for ever here- 
after to be considered as a free and independent 
jurisdiction or state; to be for ever hereafter call- 
ed, known, and distinguished by the name of New 



1777.] MEMORIAL TO CONGRESS. 109 

Connecticut, alias Vermont. And that the in- 
habitants that at present, or that may hereafter 
become resident Avithin said territory, shall be 
entitled to the same privileges, immunities, and 
enfranchisements which are, or that may at any 
time hereafter be allowed to the inhabitants of 
any of the free and independent states of Ame- 
rica ; and that such privileges and immunities 
shall be regulated in a Bill of Rights, and by a 
form of government to be established at the next 
session of the convention." 

Having thus affirmed their independence, they 
drew up a memorial to congress. In this memo- 
rial they advised congress, as the representative 
of the United States, that they had taken their 
position as inhabitants of a free and independent 
state. They declared themselves capable of re- 
gulating their own internal police in all and every 
respect whatsoever ; that they had the sole and 
exclusive right of governing themselves, in such 
manner and form as they themselves should 
choose, not repugnant to the resolves of Con- 
gress ; and that they were at all times ready, in 
conjunction with their brethren in the United 
States, to contribute their full proportion toward 
the maintaining of the just war against the 
fleets and armies of Great Britain. And they 
prayed congress to recognise their state among 
the states in the Union, and to admit their dele- 
gates to a seat in congress. The petition was 

10 



110 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1777. 

signed, and presented to congress, by four mem- 
bers of the convention, elected for that duty, 
Jonas Fay, Thomas Chittenden, Heman Allen, 
and Reuben Jones. 

As might have been predicted. New York did 
not silently look on and suffer these proceedings 
to pass unopposed. The Ncay England States 
were with Vermont in feeling, and whatever ex- 
pression of opinion was heard in that quarter, 
was in favour of the Green Mountain Boys and 
their new government. But the New York con- 
vention lost no time in making an interest in 
congress adverse to the petition of Vermont. 
The president of that body, under date of Janu- 
ary 20th, only four days from the date of the 
declaration of the Vermont conrention, wrote 
thus to congress : 

<' I am directed by the committee of safety 
of New York, to inform congress that, by the 
acts and influence of certain designing men, a 
part of the state hath been prevailed on to re- 
volt, and disown the authority of its legislature. 
The various evidences and informations we have 
received, would lead us to believe that persons 
of great influence in some of our sister states 
have fostered and fomented these divisions. 
But as these informations tend to accuse some 
members of your honourable body, of being con- 
cerned in this scheme, decency obliges us to sus- 
pend this belief. The committee are sorry to 



1777.] MEMORIAL FROM NEW YORK. Ill 

observe that by conferring a commission on 
Colonel Warner, with authority to name the 
officers of a regiment, to be raised independently 
of the legislature of this state, and within that 
part of it which hath lately declared an inde- 
pendence upon it, congress hath given but too 
much weight to the insinuations of those who 
pretend that your honourable body are determined 
to support those insurgents ; especially as this 
Colonel Warner hath been constantly and inva- 
riably opposed to the legislature of this state, 
and hath been, on that very account, proclaimed 
an outlaw by the late government thereof. It is 
absolutely necessary to recall the commission 
given to Colonel Warner, and the officers under 
him, as nothing else will do justice to us, and 
convince those deluded people that congress has 
not been prevailed upon to aid in dismembering 
a state, v/hicli of all others has suffered the most 
in the common cause." 

Again, on the 1st of March, the president of 
the New York convention addressed congress. 
In this memorial New York appealed to congress 
to adopt '^ every wise and salutary expedient to 
suppress the mischief which must ensue to that 
state, and the general confederacy, from the un- 
just and pernicious projects of such of the in- 
habitants of New York, as merely from selfish 
and interested motives have fomented the danger- 
ous insurrection. That congress might be as- 



112 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1777. 

sured that the spirit of defection, notwithstand- 
ing all the arts and violence of the seducers, was 
by no means general, and that there was not the 
least probability that Colonel Warner could raise 
such a number of men as w^ould be an object of 
public concern." 

The affairs of the new state of Vermont had 
now arrested the attention of the whole country. 
We are not to suppose that the dispute between 
Vermont and New York was considered strictly 
upon its own merits ; nor are we to think that 
the influence of New York was able to produce 
all the opposition, which took place in congress, 
to the reception of the new state. Other states 
as well as New York had their unsettled lands 
and backwoodsmen ; and the danger which some 
politicians saw, was that new states would present 
themselves in other quarters, and the original 
bounds of the provinces be curtailed and their 
lands subdivided. It w^as a difficult matter to 
adjust, and every day seemed to add to the em- 
barrassment. In April a paper appeared in Phi- 
ladelphia, in the form of a letter, addressed to the 
inhabitants of Vermont. This pamphlet opened 
with a copy of the resolution passed by congress, 
in May, 1776, which recommended to the re- 
spective assemblies and conventions of the Unit- 
ed Colonies, where no government suitable to 
the exigencies of their affairs had been establish- 
ed, to adopt such government as, in the opinion 



1777.J young's pamphlet. 113 

of the representatives of the people, should best 
conduce to the happiness and safety of their 
constituents. 

The writer, Thomas Young, then went on to 
advise : " I have taken the minds of several 
leading members in the honourable the conti- 
nental congress, and can assure you that you 
have nothing to do but to send attested copies 
of the recommendation to take up government 
to every township in your district, and to invite 
all your freeholders and inhabitants to meet in 
their respective townships, and choose members 
of a general convention, to meet on an early day, 
and choose delegates to the general congress ; 
to appoint a committee of safety, and to form a 
constitution. Your friends here tell me that 
some are in doubt whether delegates from your 
district w^ould be admitted into congress. I tell 
you to organize fairly and make the experiment, 
and I will insure your success, at the risk of my 
reputation as a man of honour or common sense. 
Indeed, they by no means refuse you ; you have 
as good a right to choose how you will be go- 
verned, and by whom, as they had." 

The committee of safety for the state of New 
York, now made a third appeal to congress. In 
this they stated that as a report prevailed, and 
daily gained credit, that the revolters against the 
jurisdiction of New York were privately coun- 
tenanced in their designs by certain members of 

10* 



114 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1777. 

congress, the committee of safety felt it their 
duty to give such information on the subject, 
that congress might cease to be injured by impu- 
tations so disgraceful and dishonourable. "How- 
ever unwilling," said the memorialists, "we may 
be to entertain suspicions so disrespectful to any 
member of congress, yet the truth is that no in- 
considerable number of the people of this state 
do believe the report to be well founded." 

Though exceedingly averse to meddle with a 
business so complicated, and conscious of its 
want of power to enforce any decision to which 
it might arrive, congress was compelled at last 
to take up the matter. One of the New York 
delegates laid before that body the printed letter 
of Thomas Young. Congress thus compelled to 
act, referred the several memorials and letters 
from New York and Vermont, and the printed 
paper signed Thomas Young, to the committee 
of the whole house, and on the 30th of June, a 
week after their reference, the committee re- 
ported, and congress passed, among others, a re- 
solution that the petition of Vermont be dis- 
missed. 

The other resolutions defined the purpose of 
congress to be the defence of the colonies, now 
states, against Great Britain ; and declared that 
as the members represented those states as their 
territories stood at the time of the first assem- 
bling of congress, that body would recommend or 



1777.] PROPOSED CONSTITUTION. 115 

countenance nothing injurious to the rights of 
the communities it represented. They denied 
that the inhabitants of the New Hampshire 
grants could derive any countenance from the 
resolution quoted in Thomas Young's pamphlet ; 
and they declared that the contents of the 
letter of Thomas Young were derogatory to the 
honour of congress, and a gross misrepresen- 
tation of the resolution of congress therein 
referred to, and that they tended to deceive the 
people to whom they were addressed. The 
commission of Colonel Warner was explained, 
but not recalled. 

While these proceedings were taking place 
in congress, the inhabitants of Vermont were 
proceeding in the organization of the new state. 
The same convention which passed the decla- 
ration of the independence of Vermont, met 
by adjournment at Windsor, on the first Wed- 
nesday in June, and appointed a committee 
to draft a constitution for the state. They 
also adopted a resolution recommending the 
several towns to appoint delegates to meet in 
convention at Windsor, on the 2d of July, to 
act on the draft of the constitution which would 
be there submitted. Pursuant to this recom- 
mendation the convention assembled. 

While the new constitution was under discus- 
sion, news arrived of the evacuation of Ticon- 
deroga by the x\merican troops, and of the con- 



116 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1777. 

sequent exposure of the whole western borders 
of Vermont to the enemy. Great alarm was 
felt at this intelligence, not only in Vermont, 
but in New York and Connecticut. The mem- 
bers of the convention partook of the feeling, 
and were for leaving Windsor, and repairing to 
the defence of their homes. Allen in his his- 
tory of Vermont relates that the adjournment 
was postponed by a severe thunder storm. The 
members had time to reflect. Their attention 
was redirected to their work. The constitution 
was taken up and read the third time. Para- 
graph by paragraph was adopted. A committee 
of safety was appointed to act during the recess, 
and the convention adjourned in order. Quick 
upon the news of the loss of Ticonderoga, or 
simultaneously with it, came the intelligence of 
the dismissal of the petition by congress ; but 
gallant little Vermont was neither driven from 
resistance to the foreign force or the domestic 
opponents. 



1777.] JEALOUSIES AND DISPUTES. 117 



CHAPTER IX. 

Jealousies and disputes among the continental officers — Dislike 
of Schuyler by the New England troops — Schuyler tenders 
his resignation — Inquiry into his conduct — Honourable testi- 
monial — Ordered to take command of the northern army — 
Carleton superseded by Burgoyne — Activity of Burgoyne — 
War feast with the Iroquois — ^Humane attempt of Burgoyne 
to restrain the barbarities of his Indian allies — Its futility — 
Manifesto to the Americans — Advance on Ticonderoga — 
Retreat of St. Clair — Death of Colonel Francis — Greenleaf's 
journal — Colonel Francis's watch restored to his mother — 
Concentration of American forces at Fort Edward — Bur- 
goyne's halt at Skeensboro — Murder of Jane McCrea — The 
modern narrative — The popular version — -Letter of Gates 
to Burgoyne — Reply of the latter. 

Not tlie least difficulty in the management of 
hostilities is found in the jealousies and disputes 
among the officers ; the questions respecting prece- 
dence, and the sensitiveness of the military spirit 
to any thing like insult, oversight, or neglect. The 
safety of a country, or the efficiency of an army, 
cannot be sacrificed to the feelings of an officer, 
however meritorious. General Schuyler had 
the misfortune to be very unpopular with the 
New England troops ; and reinforcements under 
him came forward with less spirit than the exi- 
gences of the service demanded. His demean- 
our to the officers of the New England regiments, 
whether retaliatory for their dislike to him, or 



118 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1777. 

the origin of that dislike, was a great disadvan- 
tage to the service. Probably prejudice against 
Schuyler as a New York officer had its effect. 
And the joint command of the operations of the 
war by Washington and the congress threw ad- 
ditional difficulties in the way. General Schuy- 
ler's head-quarters were, by a resolution of con- 
gress, March, 1776, fixed at Albany. This re- 
solution, though he was nominally in command, 
precluded him from active service. As soon as 
the spring of 1777 opened, and the fear of an 
attack upon Ticonderoga, by a march over the 
ice, was removed. General Schuyler waited upon 
congress mih the intention of offering his re- 
signation. He demanded an inquiry into his 
conduct, which had been the subject of aspersion. 
A committee of one member from each state 
made the investigation, and the result was such 
as to show that the general's complaints of in- 
justice had too much foundation. His services 
appeared of a character and importance which 
had never been duly appreciated ; and as a mea- 
sure of reparation the disagreeable resolution 
was rescinded, and General Schuyler was order- 
ed to take command of the northern army. 
But the compliment to one was an insult to an- 
other — or was so regarded. General Gates 
withdrew in displeasure. 

Meanwhile, there had also been a change in 
the British army. General Burgoyne, who had 



1777.] ACTIVITY OF BUIIGOYNE. 119 

served under Sir Guy Carleton, had repaired to 
England with a report of the proceedings of the 
campaign in which the American forces were 
compelled to retreat. A plan for the invasion 
of the states, by way of the lakes, was arranged 
in London, and General Burgoyne, upon whose 
reports, and by whose counsel it was arranged, 
came back with orders superseding Sir Guy in 
the command. What that officer, who had so 
much distinguished himself in repelling invasion, 
would have accomplished in offensive operations, 
can only be subject of supposition ; but the re- 
sult of General Burgoyne's expedition proved 
most fortunate to the American cause. He had 
under his command a splendidly appointed army 
of not less than eight thousand men, exclusive 
of the Indians and Canadians, who were ex- 
pected to join him, and for whom equipments 
were forwarded from England. 

General Burgoyne entered upon his duty with 
a zeal and activity which indicated his conJS- 
dence of success. On the 6th of May he landed 
at Quebec — on the 12th he proceeded to Mon- 
treal. On the 20th June he had already em- 
barked a portion of his forces, and on the 21st 
landed on the New York side of Lake Cham- 
plain. His movements were made with such 
celerity as to make his presence so near the 
American posts almost a surprise. At this point 
he met the Indians of the Six Nations in a grand 



120 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [177T. 

council, and gave them a war feast. The em- 
ployment of such horrid allies is a disgrace to a 
Christian nation, and gives warfare, cruel enough 
at the best, additional features of atrocity. It 
is doubtless true that Burgojne, while he urged 
the Indians to war, exhorted them to humanity; 
and while he put arms in their hands, endeavour- 
ed to teach them forbearance. But words weigh 
little against savage propensities. The savages 
followed their fiendish mode of warfare ; and 
the exasperation which their conduct produced 
contributed no little to the zeal with which an 
enemy employing such aid was met. General 
Burgoyne indeed enjoined upon the Indians that 
they were not to take scalps " from the wounded, 
or even from the dying," and professed to de- 
mand a strict account for those which were taken 
from the dead. But the weakness of making 
exceptions, while any scalps were suffered to be 
brought into his camp, is too apparent to need 
comment. Who was to answer the "strict in- 
quiries," which General Burgoyne professed to 
make respecting these savage trophies of the In- 
dians, which he admitted his inability to prevent 
them from taking ! 

After treating with his Indian allies, General 
Burgoyne commenced his operations with a mani- 
festo, in which the pompous announcement of 
his titles was waggishly said, by contemporary 
American writers, to be more than a match for 



1777.] ADVANCE ON TICONDEROGA. 121 

all the force of the United States. It was signed 
<< Bj John Burgoyne, Esquire, Lieutenant-Go- 
vernor of His Majesty's forces in America, Colo- 
nel of the Queen's Regiment of Light Dragoons, 
Governor of Fort William in North Britain, one 
of the Commons of Great Britain in Parliament, 
and Commanding an Army and Fleet employed 
on an Expedition from Canada." In this pro- 
clamation he enormously extolled the Britisli 
might and his ov/n, and did not forget the In- 
dians. Of these men, whom, if we are to credit 
his assertions in a subsequent letter to General 
Gates <' he had solemnly and peremptorily pro- 
hibited" from barbarity, he said, ^' I have but to 
give stretch to the Indian forces under my di- 
rection, and they amount to thousands, to over- 
take the hardened enemies of Great Britain and 
America. I consider them the same, wherever 
they may lurk." Unfortunately the Indians were 
not able or anxious always to distinguish "hard- 
ened enemies" from friends; and not a little 
damage was done to the royal cause from the 
insecurity of its provincial friends against Indian 
depredations. 

Immediately upon the issue of his proclama- 
tion, General Burgoyne appeared before Ticon- 
deroga. General Schuyler was absent from the 
fort, having repaired to Fort Edward, to hasten 
forward reinforcements and provisions. Every 

effort, consistent with the shortness of the time, 

11 



122 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1777. 

had been made to strengthen the post, which was 
left in command of General St. Clair. On the 
2d of July a skirmish took place with an Ame- 
rican picket-guard, in which the British drove 
them in. The pursuers advanced within two 
hundred yards of the American batteries, of the 
precise location of which they seemed unaware. 
A random fire of artillery, without orders, killed 
only one man, and the smoke covered the retreat 
of the rest. 

The fortress at Ticonderoga was deemed almost 
impregnable, and additional works had been 
thrown up on Mount Independence, a hill on the 
east side of Lake Champlain. But the works 
were nevertheless overlooked by a high hill, 
called Sugar Hill, or Mount Defiance. This 
eminence had not been fortified, for the double 
reason that it was considered impracticable, and 
that the Americans were not in force to man 
their present works properly. The garrison 
consisted of less than three thousand five hun- 
dred men. But to their surprise, on the 
6th of July, they found the British erecting a 
battery on Sugar Hill, hoisting the cannon from 
tree to tree. This would command all the Ame- 
rican works ; and to escape complete investment, 
a retreat was resolved upon by the garrison, and 
efi*ected on the night following. The invalids, 
and such baggage as could be removed, were 
embarked on board the batteaux for Skeensboro, 



1777.] RETREAT OF ST. CLAIR. 123 

now Whiteliall. The main body proceeded by 
land, the rear-guard leaving Mount Independ- 
ence at four o'clock, on the morning of the 6tli 
of July. 

The retreat would have been without disaster, 
but for a disobedience of orders. General St. 
Clair had required that nothing should be set on 
fire ; but a French officer imprudently fired his 
house, and the flames illuminating the whole hill, 
showed the British the movements and designs 
of the Americans. General Burgoyne pur- 
sued the party by v/ater, and Generals Frazer 
and Reidesel the main body by land. The Ame- 
rican rear was commanded by Colonel Ebenezer 
Francis, of Beverly, Massachusetts, whose un- 
timely death, in his thirty-fifth year, only pre- 
vented his winning a name as well known to the 
nation as it is dear to his descendants. We 
subjoin, from the ^'History of Beverly," by 
Mr. Stone, some particulars which will serve to 
show what material formed a portion of the Con- 
tinental army, and also exhibit the circumstances 
of the retreat in graphic language. 

Colonel Francis marched at the head of his 
regiment from Massachusetts to Ticonderoga, in 
January, 1777. With that regard for religion 
which was the characteristic of his life, he as- 
sembled the regiment for religious services, in 
his own parish church, previous to his march. 
His pastor, who conducted the services, which 



124 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1777. 

were of a most solemn and impressive character, 
accompanied the regiment as chaplain. Captain 
Greenleaf, whose private jom-nal is preserved in 
the library of the Massachusetts Historical So- 
ciety, thus records the circumstances of the 
retreat : — 

" 14th June, heard enemy's morning gun — In- 
dians and others near — skirmishes. 2d July, 
enemy advances with two frigates of twenty-eight 
guns, and fifty gun-boats — land troops about 
two miles from us. Saturday, July 5th, at 
twelve o'clock, spied British troops on the mount- 
ain overlooking Ticonderoga — at nine received the 
disagreeable news of leaving the ground. At two 
next morning left Ticonderoga — at four, Mount 
Independence ; after a most fatiguing march, 
arrived same day at Hubbardton, near White- 
hall, tvfenty-two miles from Mount Independence. 
Supped Avith Col. Francis — encamped in the 
w^oods, the main body going on about four miles. 
Monday, 7th July, breakfasted with Col. F. At 
seven, he came to me and desired me to parade 
the regiment, which I did. At a quarter past 
seven he came in haste to me, told me an express 
had arrived from- General St. Clair, informing 
that we must march with the greatest expedition, 
or the enemy would be upon us, also that they 
had taken Skeensboro, with all our baggage — 
ordered me to march the regiment — immediately 
marched a part of it. At twenty minutes past 



1777.] DEATH OF COLONEL FRANCIS. 125 

seven, the enemy appeared in gunshot of us ; 
we faced to the right and the firing began, which 
lasted till a quarter to nine without cessation. 
Numbers fell on both sides ; among ours the 
brave and ever to be lamented Col. Francis, who 
fought bravely to the last. He first received a 
ball through his right arm, but still continued 
at the head of our troops, till he received a fatal 
wound through his body, entering his right 
breast ; he dropped on his face. Our people 
being overpowered by numbers, were obliged to 
retreat over the mountains, enduring in their 
march great privations and sufferings." 

Thus died Colonel Francis, of whom a British 
officer who was in the engagement thus speaks : 
"At the commencement of the action the enemy 
were everywhere thrown into the greatest confu- 
sion ; but being rallied by that brave officer. Colo- 
nel Francis, whose death, though an enemy, will 
ever be regretted by those who can feel for the 
loss of a gallant and brave man, the fight was 
renewed with the greatest degree of fierceness 
and obstinacy." 

It is a curious fact that the ofiicer who thus 
records the death of Colonel Francis, afterward 
met his mother, and was witness to a most af- 
fecting interview. He was a prisoner with Gene- 
ral Burgoyne, near Boston, on parole, and while 
walking with other British officers in the like 

case, stopped with them at a farm-house. An 

11* 



126 HISTORY OF YERMOXT. [1777. 

elderly "VN'Oman who was sitting in the house, re- 
cognised them as British officers. " Just as we 
were quitting the house," says the narrator, 
" she got up, and bursting into tears, said, 
« Gentlemen, will you let a poor distracted woman 
speak a word to you before you go?' We, as 
you must all naturally imagine, were all asto- 
nished ; and upon our inquiring what she wanted, 
with the most poignant grief, and sobbing as if 
her heart was breaking, she asked if any of us 
knew her son, a Colonel Francis, who was killed 
at the battle of Hubbardton. Several of us in- 
formed her that we had seen him after he was 
dead. She then inquired about his pocket-book, 
and if any of his papers were safe, as some re- 
lated to his estates, and if any of the soldiers 
had got his watch ; if she could but obtain that 
in remembrance of her dear, dear son, she 
should be happy. Captain Ferguson, of our re- 
giment, who was of the party, told her, as to the 
colonel's papers and pocket-book, he was fearful 
they were either lost or destroyed ; but pulling a 
watch from his fob, he said, 'There, good woman, 
if that can make you happy, take it, and God 
bless you !' We were all much surprised, as un- 
acquainted he had made a purchase of it from a 
drum boy. On seeing it, it is impossible to de- 
scribe the joy and grief that were depicted in 
her countenance. I never in all my life beheld 
such a strength of passion ; she kissed it, looked 



1777.] HALT AT FOET EDWARD. 127 

unutterable gratitude at Captain Ferguson, then 
kissed it again ; her feelings were unexpressible ; 
she knew not how to express or to show them ; 
she would repay his kindness by kindness, but 
could onlv sob her thanks. Our feelin2;s were 
lifted up to an unexpressible height. We pro- 
mised to search after the papers, and I believe 
at that moment could have hazarded life to pro- 
cure them." 

Such strange incidents does war, that anomaly 
amid civilization, furnish ! 

Colonel AYarner, with his Green Mountain re- 
giment, was with Colonel Francis. We need 
hardly say that this regiment stood their ground 
manfully. After the fall of Francis, Warner 
charged with such impetuosity that for a moment 
the British troops were thrown into confusion. 
But a reinforcement arriving, the Americans 
were completely overpowered. Two or three 
regiments, which should have been in the engage- 
ment, consulted their own safety by a retreat ; 
and the rout of the rest w^as complete. The 
loss of the Americans was very severe, amount- 
ing to between three and four hundred men, 
killed, wounded, and prisoners. 

The retreating army collected at Fort Ed- 
ward, having lost all their baggage and stores. 
General Burgoyne destroyed in a few hours the 
water defences at Ticonderoga, and pushed on 
to Skeensboro, where the garrison attempted 



128 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1777. 

no stand, but setting fire to the mills and bat- 
teaux, retreated. They were pursued, but de- 
fended themselves with so much spirit that the 
pursuit was given over, and General Burgoyne 
halted a few days at Skeensboro, to refresh his 
men. 

It was during the subsequent advance upon 
Fort Edward that the murder of Miss Jane 
McCrea roused the resentment of the Ameri- 
cans to the highest degree ; and, in the excite- 
ment of the times, covered General Burgoyne 
with unmerited obloquy. This tragical story 
belongs to the romance of the Revolutionary 
war ; and, while the people were filled with hor- 
ror and indignation, that narrative which re- 
flected the greatest dishonour upon the British 
commander and his savage allies was accepted 
as most likely to be the true one. Now, how- 
ever, when party feeling has subsided, a calmer 
investigation of the circumstances connected Avith 
that hapless affair has led to the belief that the 
popular version is incorrect in many important 
particulars. 

Jane McCrea was the affianced bride of a Mr. 
Jones, a young American, of loyalist princi- 
ples, who had joined Burgoyne, and accepted 
a commission in the British army. Little doubt 
was entertained, at that period, of the eventual 
success of the royal cause. The progress of 
the invading force under Burgoyne had hitherto 



1777.] JAXE MCCREA. 129 

been a most trlumpliant one. When the British 
approached Fort Edward, Miss McCrea was the 
guest of Mrs. McNeil, whose house was at the 
foot of a hill, distant about eighty rods north- 
ward from the fort. " The hill-side was covered 
with bushes, while a quarter of a mile above, 
near the crest of the hill, a large pine . tree 
shadowed a clear spring." 

The brother with whom Jenny had previously 
lived, being a staunch Whig, was preparing to 
abandon his house, five miles below the fort, and 
retire to Albany. Apprehensive of danger to 
his sister, he several times desired her to join 
him without delay. The hope of meeting her 
lover causing her still to linger, her brother be- 
came alarmed, and despatched so peremptory a 
message that she promised to return to his house 
the following day. 

The next morning, the negro boy belonging to 
Mrs. McNeil hurriedly informed the family of 
the approach of a small party of Indian warriors, 
and then fled across the plain to the fort for pro- 
tection. Acting on the impulse of the moment, 
the whole family hastily sought refuge in the cel- 
lar of a kitchen detached from the house. While 
crouching here in the darkness, the colour of the 
servant woman shielded her from discovery, but 
Mrs. McNeil and Jenny were seized, and hurried 
off by different routes to Bargoyne's camp. In 
the mean time, a detachment had been sent out 



130 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1777. 

from Fort Edward to attempt a rescue ; and 
when the party who were bearing oif Jenny ap- 
proached the pine tree and the spring near the 
summit of the hill, they were suddenly fired upon 
by the American pursuers. During the brief 
skirmish that followed, Jenny was accidentally 
struck by a bullet, and fell from her horse mor- 
tally wounded. Her Indian captors, conscious 
that by her death they had lost the reward 
usually paid for prisoners, could not forego the 
barbarous temptation of bearing off her scalp as 
a trophy. It was taken, and carried by them 
openly displayed into camp, where the long 
glossy hair of Jenny was speedily recognised by 
Mrs. McNeil, who boldly taxed the Indians with 
the murder of her guest. They promptly denied 
it, and asserted that she came by her death in 
the manner already described. 

Information subsequently obtained tended to 
confirm the truth of this statement, notwithstand- 
ing a different version of the tragical story has 
usually prevailed. The latter narrative charges 
Lieutenant Jones with having bribed the Indians 
with a promise of rum to conduct his betrothed 
into the British lines ; that as they returned 
with their fair captive, a quarrel arose respect- 
ing the division of the liquor, and, to end the 
dispute, one of the Indians despatched Jenny by 
shooting her throiifrh the breast. But Lieutenant 
Jones strenuously denied having engaged the 



1777.] LETTER OF GATES. 131 

services of the Indians at all ; nor is it probable 
he would do so, inasmuch as the British army 
was then advancing upon Fort Edward, Avith the 
certainty of its capture. The young officer 
could, therefore, have no desire for the presence 
of Miss McCrea in camp, especially as, in a day 
or two, the possession of Fort Edward would 
have enabled him to visit her with greater com- 
fort and security at the house of their mutual 
friend, Mrs. McNeil. 

Overcome with horror at her terrible fate, 
Jones tendered immediately a resignation of his 
commission. Burgoyne refusing to accept it, he 
deserted. Retiring to Canada, bearing with him 
the blood-stained tresses of his affianced bride, he 
lived there for many years. He never married, 
shunned all allusion to the War of Independence, 
kept rigidly the anniversary of Miss McCrea's 
death; and became, from the period of his be- 
reavement, a sad, thoughtful, and secluded man. 

The popular version of this melancholy event, 
at the time of its occurrence, we may presume to 
have been something like the following, which 
we extract from a letter written to General Bur- 
goyne by General Gates, in answer to one in 
which General Burgoyne complained of certain 
alleged harsh treatment of prisoners. ''Miss 
McCrea, a young lady lovely to the sight, of 
virtuous character and amiable disposition, en- 
gaged to an officer of your army, was, with other 



132 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1777, 

women and children, taken out of a house near 
Fort Edward, carried into the woods, and there 
scalped and mangled in the most shocking man- 
ner. Two parents with their six children were all 
treated with the same inhumanity, while quietly 
resting in their once peaceful and happy dwell- 
ins:. The miserable fate of Miss McCrea was 
particularly aggravated by being dressed to re- 
ceive her promised husband, but met her murderer 
appointed by you. Upward of one hundred 
men, women, and children have perished by the 
hands of the ruffians to whom, it is asserted, 
you have paid the price of blood." 

General Burgoyne, in his reply, inveighs 
against ''the rhapsodies of fiction and calumny" 
which it had been, he alleged, the invariable 
policy of the Americans to propagate. But 
with all the elements of a fearfully tragic and 
romantic story, which the death of Miss Mc- 
Crea furnished, Americans must have been dif- 
ferent from all other people, if the narrative did 
not grow with the repetition. They must have 
been insensible to murder and cruelty, could they 
have weighed all the rumours and dispassionately 
sifted out truth from error. The disgrace which 
the British allies entailed upon their employers 
was a part of the price of their service — nowhere 
better understood than by indignant statesmen 
at home, as the remonstrances of the opposition 
in Parliament testifv. 



1777.] ACTION OF THE COUNCIL. 138 



CHAPTER X. 

Action of Vermont and New Hampshire upon the fall of Ti- 
condcroga — Orders of General Stark — Resolves in Congress 
— Schuyler's judicious measures — General Burgoyne's second 
proclamation — Vain appeal of Major Skeene — General 
Stark's insubordination — Resolution of censure in Congress — 
British attempt to secure the stores at Bennington — Battle 
of Bennington — Attack on Colonel Baum's entrenchments 
— Complete success of General Stark — Renewal of the en- 
gagement by Colonels M'arner and Breyman — -Defeat of the 
latter — Important effects upon the American cause — Extract 
from Burgoyne's instructions to Colonel Baum — General 
Burgoyne's opinion of the people of the New Hampshire 
grants — Appointment of Gates to supersede Schuyler — Ge- 
neral Gates arrives at Stillwater — Battle of Stillwater or 
Behmus Heights — Victory claimed by both parties, but the 
real advantage with the Americans — Battle of the 7th Octo- 
ber^ — General Burgoyne retreats to Saratoga — Capitulation 
of Burgoyne. 

When the disastrous intelligence of the fall 
of Ticonderoga reached the Vermont council 
of safety, they despatched pressing letters to 
New Hampshire and Massachusetts, setting 
forth their exposed condition, and urging those 
states for assistance. The New Hampshire 
council immediately convened the legislature, 
and that body placing a large force under com- 
mand of General Stark, directed him to re- 
pair to Charleston, on the Connecticut River, 
and there consult with the Vermont council as 

12 



134 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1777. 

to the forwarding of supplies, and the conduct 
of future operations. He was instructed to act in 
conjunction with the troops of Vermont, or any 
other state, or of the United States, in such 
manner as, in his opinion, would most effectually 
stop the operations of the enemy. This very 
broad exercise of discretion was given him in 
consequence of his independent position ; for 
disgusted with the neglect with which he con- 
ceived himself treated, in not being made a 
brigadier-general in the Continental army. Stark 
had just resigned his commission as colonel, and 
conceiving himself not amenable to command in 
the regular army, he had stipulated for this in- 
dependent command. This was another of the 
many diflBculties which Congress had with its 
officers ; but in the result it proved a fortunate 
circumstance. 

The news of the Ticonderoga disaster caused 
amazement every where, and no little indigna- 
tion. In Congress the retreat was made the 
subject of warm animadversion ; and the recall 
of all the officers was ordered, and only sus- 
pended on the earnest expostulation of General 
Washington against leaving the northern army 
without officers. Subsequent inquiry, and a re- 
velation of the comparative weakness of the 
garrison and the strength of the besiegers, 
caused the officers to be exonerated from all 
blame. 



1777.] Schuyler's measures. 135 

General Schuyler, who, as previously stated, 
was absent forwarding supplies when Ticonde- 
roga was taken, was on his return when he heard 
of the fall of that important post, and of the 
loss of Skeensboro. He set about immediately 
staying the mischief with a fortitude and in- 
dustry most commendable, and employed the 
forced respite which Burgoyne gave him, in de- 
stroying bridges, breaking up roads, sinking ob- 
structions in the navigable creeks, and felling trees 
across the road. So effectually was this work 
done, that when the British army moved forward 
from Skeensboro, they were often occupied 
twenty-four hours in advancing one mile. The 
horses and draught cattle were driven off, and 
the passage of the British from Skeensboro to 
Fort Edward on the Hudson, delayed them until 
the 29th of July. General Schuyler had mean- 
while crossed the river and retreated first to Sa- 
ratoga, and then to Stillwater, where he encamp- 
ed on a rising ground called Behmus Heights. 

General Burgoyne now issued a second procla- 
mation. As the petition of Vermont for admis- 
sion into the Union had been so cavalierly treat- 
ed, the British general counted the juncture a 
good one to establish Skeene's new province, 
and summoned delegates to meet at Castleton, 
to confer with the gallant major on that subject. 
But Governor Skeene's title never was acknow- 
ledged in any instrument except his commission 



136 HISTORY OF VERMONT. 1777. 



and Burgoyne's proclamation. Unkindly as the 
Green Mountain Boys conceived themselves to 
have been treated, they were not yet ready for 
the royal protection ; and the only effect which 
Burgoyne's proclamation produced, was to call 
out a counter-manifesto from General Schuyler. 

The disasters which had so dispirited the 
American army now began to change to the 
British. The Americans were reinforced, and 
their spirits were raised by the defeat of an 
attempt of the British and Indians to seize Fort 
Schuyler, at the western boundary of the New 
York settlements. The Indian allies deserted 
the British, and after one or two brilliant skir- 
mishes the siege was raised. 

General Stark had now at Manchester a force 
of 1400 men, 600 of whom were Green Mountain 
Boys, under Colonel Warner. Schuyler wrote 
to him repeatedly to join the main army; but 
Stark, in pursuance of the discretion allowed to 
him by his New Hampshire commission, chose to 
remain where he was. Schuyler represented this 
insubordination to Congress ; and on the 19th of 
August that body passed a resolution censuring 
the course pursued by New Hampshire, in giving 
General Stark a separate command, and re- 
questing that he should be instructed to conform 
himself to the same rules to which other general 
officers of the militia were subject. 

General Stark, wlio;=e patriotism outweighed 



1777.] DIFFICULTIES OF BURGOYNE. 137 

his resentment, while he moved toward the post 
indicated by General Schuyler, still moved at his 
leisure. He was with his regiment at Benning- 
ton, longing for an opportunity to do something 
upon his own account, when an occasion present- 
ed itself. Burgoyne had found his position at- 
tended with great difficulties. His supplies from 
Canada were irregular, and not one-third of the 
horses on which he had counted had arrived. 
The judicious measures of General Schuyler had 
so consumed the time of the British army, that 
their stores were nearly expended ; and, as he 
was compelled to keep the road open behind him 
to forward provisions, the detachments necessary 
for this purpose weakened his army for active 
operations. In this difficulty a supply must be 
had from some source. A depot of provisions 
and other stores was established at Bennington 
for the American army, and with this Burgoyne 
proposed to replenish his magazines. It was 
reported to be guarded only by militia, and the 
sentiments of a majority of the residents were 
furthermore stated to be hostile to the American 
cause. We are not in possession of absolute 
facts for the opinion, but it seems exceedingly 
probable that the irritation of the Green Moun- 
tain Boys at their treatment by Congress may 
have given rise to expressions which induced 
Burgoyne to doubt their attachment to the 
United States. 

12* 



138 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1777. 

Colonel Baum, T\'ith five hundred European 
troops, some American loyalists and Indian 
auxiliaries, was detached on this service. An- 
other detachment under Colonel Breyman was 
advanced as a reserve. General Stark, at Ben- 
nington, heard of the approach of a body of 
Indians, and despatched a detachment under 
Colonel Greg, to arrest their proceedings. It 
was soon discovered that these savages were the 
advance party of Colonel Baum's command. 
General Stark instantly sent an express to Colo- 
nel Warner, to hasten to his aid, and also called 
upon the militia of the vicinity to join him with 
all possible despatch. 

On the morning of the 14th of August, Ge- 
neral Stark, with the force at his command, ad- 
vanced to meet Colonel Baum, and on the way 
met Colonel Greg in retreat before the enemy. 
Stark immediately formed in order of battle, and 
Colonel Baum perceiving that the Americans 
were in too great strength to be attacked by his 
present force, halted, and despatched an express 
to Colonel Breyman for assistance. General 
Stark finding his position unfavourable for an 
engagement, chose a better position, about a mile 
in the rear. Here it w^as resolved in a council 
of war to attack Baum at once, before he could 
receive reinforcements, and the next day was 
appointed for the engagement. That day, how- 
ever, proved rainy; and beyond frequent skir- 



1777.] BATTLE OF BENNINGTON. 139 

mislies of small parties, in ■v^^llicll the spirits of 
the Americans were much raised by success, no- 
thing was done. Baum, meanwhile, improved 
the delay to intrench himself in his camp, and 
fortify his position. The rain and the state of 
the roads delayed Breyman's march. 

On the morning of the IGth, General Stark, 
having been joined by some Massachusetts mi- 
litia, determined on an attack, although Colonel 
Warner had not yet arrived. Drawing out his 
forces, he made the very brief speech to them 
which is familiar to all readers of American his- 
tory : "Boys, there they are ! We beat to-day, 
or Sally Stark's a widow !" The attack on the 
entrenchments was made in four points at once. 
It is stated by some authorities, that so confi- 
dent were t*he Tory provincials under Baum's 
command, of the attachment of the country 
to the royal cause, that while Stark was 
making dispositions for an attack, they sup- 
posed his men to be armed loyalists, coming to 
join them. 

This error was soon discovered. The four 
divisions, numberino; in all about eif2;ht hundred 
men, made their attack almost simultaneously. 
The Indian allies of the British, with their cha- 
racteristic poltroonery, where hard fighting and 
no plunder was the prospect, fled at the com- 
mencement of the attack. The German troops 
fought like lions, and when their ammunition was 



140 HISTORY OF VERMOKT. [177T. 

expended, rushed to the charge, led by their 
gallant leader, Colonel Baum. After two hours 
of close and severe contest the victory was com- 
plete, and the whole British detachment, except 
the Indians and the loyalists, who took to the 
woods, were either killed or taken prisoners. 

Just as Stark's men had fallen into the confu- 
sion of victory, which is scarcely less than that 
of defeat, the alarm was given that Colonel 
Breyman was rapidly approaching. Fortunately, 
at this precise juncture. Colonel Warner also 
arrived ; and the two bodies of reserve, not reach- 
ing in season to join the first encounter, renewed 
the battle. General Stark collected his men, 
and hastened to the assistance of Warner. The 
battle was continued till sunset, when the British 
force gave way, abandoning their baggage and 
artillery. The Americans pursued them until 
dark, and thus closed the famous battle of Ben- 
nington — a victory most opportune, and the pre- 
lude of more successes. 

The American loss was only fourteen killed, 
and forty-two wounded. The British loss was 
about two hundred killed, and over six hundred 
prisoners, a thousand stand of arms, four pieces 
of artillery, and a thousand dragoon swords. 
But the moral effect of such success was a great 
deal the most important. The prestige of in- 
vincibility with which the timid had begun to in- 
vent the British army was taken from it ; and 



1777.] burgoyne's instructions. 141 

the trained soldiers of Europe were taught how 
raw troops could fight for their altars and fire- 
sides. The patriotism of Vermont was vindi- 
cated, and the hope of the enemy in the de- 
fection of the settlers was dissipated. How 
sanguine this expectation Avas on the part of 
Burgoyne, may be judged from Colonel Baum's 
instructions, a copy of which fell into the hands 
of General Stark. These instructions directed 
Colonel Baum to "proceed through the New 
Hampshire grants, cross the mountains with 
Peter's corps, (levies,) and the Indians, from 
Rockingham to Otter Creek; to 2:et horses, car- 
riages, and cattle, and mount Beidesel's dragoons ; 
to go down Connecticut River as far as Brattle- 
boro, and return by the great road to Albany, 
there to meet General Burgoyne ; to endeavour 
to make the country believe it was the advance 
body of the general's army, who was to cross 
Connecticut River and proceed to Boston ; and 
that at Springfield™iey were to be joined by the 
troops from Rhode Island. All officers, civil 
and military, acting under Congress, to be made 
prisoners. To tax the towns where they halted 
for such articles as they wanted, and to take 
hostages for the performance. To bring all 
horses fit to mount the dragoons, or to serve as 
battalion horses for the troops, with as many 
saddles and bridles as can be found. The num- 
ber of horses requisite, besides those for the dra- 



142 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1777. 

goons, ought to be thirteen hundred ; if you can 
bring more, so much the better. The horses 
must be tied in strings of ten each, so that one 
man may lead ten horses," &c. &c. 

We question whether instructions ever fell 
farther short of fulfilment than did those of the 
unfortunate Colonel Baum. We have quoted 
them to show what an egregiouslj false estimate 
General Burgoyne had formed of the character 
of the inhabitants and of the resources of the 
country. The news of the failure of the attack 
upon Fort Schuyler close following upon the 
Bennington defeat, very much depressed the 
spirits of the royal army. In a private letter 
of Burgoyne's, dated August 20th, he says : 
" The New Hampshire grants in particular, a 
country unpeopled and almost unknown in the 
last war, now abound in the most active and 
most rebellious race on the continent, who hang 
like a gathering storm upon my left." As the 
confidence of the British d^eased, that of the 
Americans was restored, and recruits now came 
into the American camp in large numbers. 

At the time of the passage of the resolution 
in Congress recalling the general ofiicers in the 
northern army. General Washington was request- 
ed to name a successor to General Schuyler. 
The commander-in-chief declined to make the 
nomination, and Congress appointed General 
Gates. General Schuyler very keenly felt this 



1Y77.] APPOINTMENT OF GATES. 143 

mortification, but with a magnanimity which does 
him high honour he continued his exertions in 
forwarding the operations of the campaign. 
His services in retrieving or arresting the dis- 
asters which followed the loss of Ticonderoga, 
though necessarily of a nature to give him no 
public eclat, were of vast advantage to his coun- 
try ; and although his personal unpopularity with 
the New England men made his removal from 
the command a matter of expedience, if not of 
necessity, his services are not now overlooked 
by his countrymen. 

General Gates arrived at Stillwater, and as- 
sumed the command on the 19th of August, 
just at the time when the turning tide made 
every thing propitious for the American cause. 
He instantly availed himself of his advantages, 
and being seconded by large bodies of volun- 
teers, eager for service, soon reduced the condi- 
tion of Burgoyne to the defensive. The New 
England militia, under the command of General 
Lincoln, surprised all the outposts of the enemy 
on Lake George, except Ticonderoga, taking 
nearly three hundred prisoners, liberating a 
hundred Americans, and destroying what muni- 
tions, boats, and stores they could not carry 
away. Their loss in these affairs was only three 
killed and five wounded. As Burgoyne moved, 
detachments of the Americans, principally mi- 
litia and volunteers, were constantly cutting off 



144 HISTORY OF VERMONT, [177T, 

liis supplies, and breaking up his lines of com- 
munication. On the 13tli and 14th of Septem- 
ber he crossed the Hudson, and advanced toward 
the American army. To preyent being cut oif 
in detail, it had become necessary that he should 
decide the fate of the campaign in a general en- 
gagement. 

The Americans as they retreated had blocked 
roads and destroyed bridges, and the advance of 
General Burgoyne vras necessarily slow, the 
strength and patience of his soldiers being 
sorely tried by these delays and difficulties. De- 
sertions now became frequent, from the refugee 
or provincial regiments, who began to discover 
the mistake into which they had fallen. 

On the 19th of September occurred the memo- 
rable battle of Stillwater. Burgoyne had ad- 
vanced and encamped within four miles of the 
American lines. There appears to have been a 
well-weighed hesitancy on both sides, as to 
hazarding a battle. The Americans respected 
the discipline and courage of the foreign troops ; 
and the British commander felt like a man at 
bay, confident of his desperate courage, but 
fearful that it would avail him little. On the 
18th, the show of challenge was made by the 
Americans. On the 19th, the same course was 
taken by Burgoyne. The accidental meeting of 
two scouting parties brought on the general en- 
gagement which the respective commanders had 



1777.] BATTLE OF STILLWATER. 145 

desired, and yet hesitated to provoke. General 
Burgoyne at the head of the right wing of the 
British army, advanced toward the left of the Ame- 
ricans, while another detachment menaced their 
right. An accidental encounter precipitated the 
meeting of the two armies. 

No sooner was the firing of the scouts heard, 
than the advanced parties of each army pressed 
forward. The events of the day are thus graphi- 
cally summed by Thompson, in his History of 
Vermont : '' Beinforcements were continually 
sent on upon both sides, and the engagement be- 
came obstinate and general. The first attempt 
of the Americans was to turn the right wing of 
the British army, and flank their line. Failing 
in this, they moved in regular order to the left, 
and there made a furious assault. Both armies 
were determined to conquer, and the battle raged 
without intermission for three hours. Any ad- 
vantage upon one side was soon counterbalanced 
by an equal advantage on the other. Cannon, 
and favourable positions were taken, lost, and 
retaken in quick succession ; and the two armies 
might be compared to the two scales of a mighty 
balance, trembling with equal burdens in doubt- 
ful oscillation, and, had not night put an end to 
the contest, it is doubtful which would have pre- 
ponderated." It appears from collating the ac- 
counts of the battle, that each army succeeded 
best in repelling attacks. Assailing parties 

13 



146 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1777. 

were vigorously resisted, but when pursued to 
the lines, the pursuers in turn were driven back. 
Both parties claimed the victory, and each be- 
lieved itself to have been engaged with only a 
part of its own force with nearly the whole of 
the enemy. The loss of the Americans was 
sixty-four killed, and two hundred and sixty 
wounded and missing. The loss of the British 
has been estimated at rather more than five 
hundred men, killed, wounded, and prisoners. 
The Americans returned to their camp; the 
British slept upon the ground. 

The victory was claimed by the British since 
they had retained possession of the field, but 
the Americans asserted the same claim. What- 
ever may be the technical answer to the problem, 
the solid advantage was with the Americans. 
To the British general any thing less than a de- 
cisive victory was a defeat. To the Americans, 
the check to the advancing army which they had 
effected, was a victory. But of far greater con- 
sequence was the impression which the heroic 
conduct of the Americans made upon the British 
forces. The impromptu soldiers, whom they 
despised as <^ forever unworthy of their steel," 
had astonished them by their fierce bravery and 
resolute conduct. The desertion of provincials, 
Canadians, and Indians from Burgoyne now in- 
creased, and he was driven to the conclusion 



1777.] BATTLE OF 7tH OCTOBER. 147 

that his European soldiers were the only men 
upon whom he could place any reliance. 

On the next day after the battle, General 
Burgoyne changed his position to one almost 
within cannon-shot of the American camp, and 
fortified himself there, keeping his communica- 
tion with the river open. Thus the two armies 
remained from the 20th of September, until the 
7th of October ; the American army constantly 
receiving accessions, and the British continually 
diminishing. The force now at Gates's command 
enabled him to post detachments in all the 
avenues of escape or retreat, and General Bur- 
goyne's position became most critical. He still 
hoped for aid from Sir Henry Clinton, who was 
forcing his way up the Hudson; bat having only 
a few days' provision in camp, he was compelled 
again to try his strength with the Americans. 
He put himself at the head of fifteen hundred 
regulars, to cover the operations of a foraging 
party. General Gates immediately made his 
dispositions for an attack, and assailed General 
Burgoyne at three points at once, and almost 
succeeded in cutting ofi" his return to his camp. 
Overpowered by numbers, and with the loss of 
his field-pieces, and a great part of his artillery 
corps, Burgoyne with difficulty retreated to his 
entrenchments. Two hundred prisoners, and 
nine pieces of cannon were taken by the Ame- 
ricans. A part of the British works was also 



148 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1777. 

carried, and when night put an end to the battle, 
the Americans remained in possession. The 
whole loss of the British was four hundred men, 
in killed, wounded, and prisoners, and among the 
dead and wounded were several officers of note. 
Arnold, who was conspicuous in the American 
line, though without a command, was badly 
wounded in leading an assault within the en- 
trenchments. 

No more military operations of consequence 
occurred. General Burgoyne, in the night after 
the battle, withdrew from the works, which were 
partly in the possession of the Americans, and 
drew up his army in the order of battle on some 
high grounds in the rear. From this position he 
was compelled to retreat to avoid being surround- 
ed, and accordingly on the night of the 8th of 
October he removed again, and on the evening 
of the next day reached Saratoga. The project 
of abandoning the baggage, and with arms in 
hand forcing a retreat to Canada, was discussed, 
but upon examination found impracticable. Hem- 
med in on all hands, Burgoyne had no choice 
but surrender, which he did on the 16th of Oc- 
tober. He was allowed to march out of camp 
with the honours of war. General Gates, being 
advised of the progress of the relief designed 
for Burgoyne, pressed the capitulation, without 
making difficulty about terms ; and the victors 
treated the vanquished with the most considerate 



1777.] SURRENDER OF BURGOYNE. 149 

kindness. The prisoners were five thousand, 
six hundred and forty-two. The previous losses 
of the British had been nearly four thousand; 
and thus was this fine army, which entered the 
country with such an imposing front, completely 
disposed of. 

The British garrison at Ticonderoga retreated 
at once to Canada. The expedition to relieve 
Burgoyne, which had advanced up the river within 
fifty miles of Albany, fell back to New York, 
upon hearing of Burgoyne's capitulation. Gene- 
ral Gates was ordered to other points with the 
regular army, the volunteers returned to their 
homes, and the country in Vermont and vicinity 
was no more the scene of any important opera- 
tions during the War of the Revolution. While 
having less to attach themselves to the cause 
than any other part of the country, and contend- 
ing with single states and with the United States 
for their very existence, the inhabitants of Ver- 
mont showed a constancy in their patriotism 
which entitled them to the highest honour. We 
have already quoted the testimony of General 
Burgoyne to their character. In the capture of 
the British army, they performed an important 
part, as they had previously done in the invasion 
of Canada by the American forces. 



13* 



150 HISTORY OF VERxMONT. [1777. 



CHAPTER XL 

Delay in the organization of the Vermont state government — 
Reassembling of the convention — Recognition by New 
Hampshire — First election of assemblymen — Continued op- 
position of JVew York — Proclamation of Governor Clinton 
— Steady course of Vermont — Answer of Ethan Allen to 
Governor Clinton — Constitution of Vermont — Its original 
features — Modifications — Simple forms of legislation — Go- 
vernor Chittenden — Anecdote of the Landlord Governor — 
Biographical notice — Summary of his character — First meet- 
ing of the Vermont legislature — 'Embarrassing proposals 
from sixteen towns in New Hampshire — Adjournment of 
the legislators to consult their constituents — The sixteen 
towns received into union — Remonstrance of New Hamp- 
shire — Appeals to Congress — Colonel Ethan Allen visits 
Philadelphia to consult with the members — ^New York dif- 
ficulty — Vermont hesitates to perfect the union — Secession 
of a portion of her legislators — They convene to form a new 
state — Vermont cuts oft" the sixteen towns — New Hampshire 
and New York each claim the whole of her territory — In- 
terference of Massachusetts. 

Previous to its adjournment, the convention 
which met at Windsor in July, 1777, appointed a 
day in December following, for the election of 
representatives, to meet at Windsor in January. 
But the invasion of Burgoyne so much occupied 
people's thoughts and attention that the consti- 
tution was not printed in season for the people 
to understand and hold their first meeting under 
it. Many of the frontier settlements of Ver- 



1777.] MEETING OF THE LEGISLATURE. 151 

mont were broken up after the retreat of the 
Americans from Canada, in 1776, and during 
the confusion of the following year. It is re- 
markable that the new state kept up even the form 
of organization at such a crisis, and amid such 
confusion. It was only done by perfect confi- 
dence in the leaders, and by their worthiness of 
the trust reposed in them. The council of safety, 
finding that the election could not take place at 
the time appointed, called together again the 
convention which had framed the constitution. 
That body assembled, revised the instrument 
which they had passed at the former meeting, 
and directed the first election under it to take 
place in March following, and the first meeting 
of the legislature in the same month. The 
election and the legislative session took place 
accordingly, the constitution going into efi*ect 
without the form of ratification by the people. 
New Hampshire recognised the new order of 
things, almost before the people of Vermont. 
Upon the alarm occasioned by the fall of Ti- 
conderoga, which occurred while the convention 
which framed the constitution was still in session, 
when an appeal was made to New Hampshire 
for aid, the executive of that state, in a letter 
addressed to Vermont as a free, sovereign, but 
new state, recognised the new commonwealth. 

New York was not, however, disposed to re- 
linquish jurisdiction so readily. The vexed 



152 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1778. 

question of land titles, and the pledged protec- 
tion of the state to certain holders under her 
grants were in the way, as also, no doubt, some 
pride. In February, 1778, while the elec-tion 
of the Vermont legislature was pending, the go- 
vernor of New York issued a proclamation, af- 
firming certain land titles, and adopting a more 
conciliatory tone than had been the custom under 
the royal regime ; but still declaring, in reference 
to the resistants, that New York would "vigor- 
ously maintain its rightful supremacy over the 
persons and property of those disaffected sub- 
jects." Little Vermont, however, unawed by 
threats, was equally invulnerable to mingled 
threats and cajolery; and having taken her stand, 
was resolved to maintain it. In the spring of 
this year (1778) Ethan Allen returned from his 
forced foreign travels, and his detention as 
prisoner in his own country ; and he made early 
use of his pen by publishing an answer to the 
New York proclamation, in which he declared 
that its overtures were " all romantic, designed 
only to deceive backwoods people." 

The original constitution of Vermont had 
many peculiarities which have been since aban- 
doned. It was thoroughly democratic, extending 
suffrage in a far more liberal spirit than any 
other of the states. Every man twenty-one 
years of age, who had resided a year in the state 
previous to the election, was entitled to vote. The 



1778.] ORIGINAL CONSTITUTION. 153 

executive power was originally vested in a go- 
vernor, lieutenant-governor, and a council of 
twelve, elected at the time when the representa- 
tives were chosen. The legislature consisted of 
one body only, called the assembly, the members 
of which were required to make a subscription 
to a belief in God, and the inspiration of the 
Scriptures, and to make a profession of the Pro- 
testant faith. Each town had one representative, 
and no more. The council could suggest amend- 
ments in the acts passed, but had no legislative 
power, and no absolute veto. Every law was at 
first required to lie over one session, except in 
urgent cases, and be printed for the information 
of the people. Schools in every town were re- 
quired by the constitution. No person, born in 
this country or brought from over sea, could be 
held in servitude or apprenticeship, except for 
crime or debt, unless by their own consent after 
reaching majority. A council of thirteen cen- 
sors was chosen every thirteen years to inquire 
into violations of the constitution, and recom- 
mend amendments if necessary ; but their of- 
fice would seem to have been nearly a sinecure, 
so far as amendments were concerned. 

In 1785 a revision took place, in which the 
requirement that laws should lay over a year 
was abandoned, except in cases where the go- 
vernor and council objected to any portion. At 
the same revisal, the requirement of a Protest- 



154 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1778. 

ant faith in the representatives was stricken out ; 
and at another revision, in 1793, all religious 
subscription was abolished. For nearly fifty 
years the constitution remained unaltered, ex- 
cept in the introduction of an article providing 
for the naturalization of foreigners ; but in 
1836 Vermont accommodated her mode of le- 
gislation to that of the other states, and abolish- 
ing the council of twelve, adopted a senate of 
thirty members in its stead. Pennsylvania had 
tried, and early abandoned the plan of a one- 
house legislature; and it is remarkable that 
Franklin was an earnest advocate for a S3^stem 
which experience has proved inconvenient, if not 
impracticable. The other important provisions 
of the constitution remain as in the beginning. 
The judiciary is elected by the legislature. The 
expenses of the government of Vei'mont are 
upon the most frugal scale possible ; and her 
laws are fewer in number, and less in bulk, than 
those of any other state in the Union. 

Thomas Chittenden, chosen governor of Ver- 
mont at the first election in 1778, held that of- 
fice by annual re-election for eighteen years ; 
and during the whole term of his gubernatorial 
service continued his occupation of farmer and 
innkeeper. It is related that a stranger from 
another state, having business with the governor, 
overtook a farmer driving a load of hay, and in- 
quired of him the way to the residence of that 



1778.] ANECDOTE OF CHITTENDEN. 155 

official. The farmer answered that it was a short 
distance, and he was going directly there ; and 
the stranger walked his horse behind the w\agon, 
until it stopped at an inn. The farmer inquired 
if the horse of the traveller was to be fed, and 
receiving a reply in the affirmative, attended to 
the animal. He next directed his boys to take 
charge of the hay. Then, taking off his farmer's 
frock, and washing4iis hands and head, he turned 
to the waiting stranger: "Now then, what is it 
you want of the governor ?" Such practical re- 
publicanism could not fail to be popular, since it 
was natural, simple, and unaffected. 

Governor Chittenden was a native of Guilford, 
in Connecticut, and having early filled many 
posts of trust in his native state, he removed to 
the New Hampshire grants in 1774. He had 
followed the custom always prevalent in unarti- 
ficial communities, and early taken to himself a 
wife. With her and his infant children he es- 
tablished himself on the borders, in the township 
of Williston, and was in the successful pursuit 
of his peaceful occupations when the difficulties 
with Great Britain commenced. He was ap- 
pointed one of a committee sent to Philadelphia, 
in 1775, to procure intelligence of the measures 
which Congress intended to pursue, and to take 
advice as to the course which should be adopted 
by the people of the New Hampshire grants. 

Upon the retreat of the American army from 



156 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1778. 

Canada, in 1776, Mr. Chittenden, with others in 
the border towns, was compelled to withdraw to 
escape the ravages of war and Indian treachery. 
He took up his temporary abode in Arlington, 
and became at once one of the most prominent 
men in the affairs of the state. He was presi- 
dent of the council of safety, and his practical 
knowledge was very useful to his compatriots in 
the management of their complicated business. 
Mr. Chittenden was one of the earliest advocates 
for a separate state government, as the best mode 
of determining the complicated questions of ju- 
risdiction, raised by New York and New Hamp- 
shire. This purpose he steadily pursued until 
he saw Vermont acknowledged by the neighbour- 
ing states, and admitted as a member of the 
Federal Union. He was a member of the con- 
vention which framed the state government, and 
indeed was identified with all the measures of 
importance undertaken by the people of Ver- 
mont while he lived, which was to the appointed 
limit — ''three score years and ten." As governor 
he kept down party spirit by his moderation and 
calmness ; and the want of a liberal education, 
which must in some situations operate as a great 
disadvantage, in the case of Governor Chitten- 
den was perhaps a decided benefit to the interests 
of the state. In his day no gubernatorial speech 
or message opened the sessions of the assembly, 
but the legislators proceeded directly to the 



1778.] SUMMARY OF CHARACTER. 157 

business, which their modest pay — six shillings 
currency per day — did not tempt them to pro- 
long, or needlessly to make intricate. The go- 
vernor's salary was on the same modest scale, 
being originally fixed at £150 per annum ; and 
the whole proceedings of this truly republican 
body were marked by the utmost simplicity and 
plainness. 

The narrative, as we proceed, will exhibit such 
of the public acts of Governor Chittenden as 
possess historical interest. No better connec- 
tion than the present can perhaps be found to 
give a summary of his character. We quote 
from Thompson's History of Vermont. "Al- 
most every age of the world has produced indi- 
viduals, who seem to have been moulded by 
nature particularly for the exigencies of the 
times in which they lived. There have always 
been some master spirits, who were peculiarly 
flitted to control the agitated waters of public 
opinion, and either to soothe them into a calm, 
or else to mount upon the wind and direct the 
waves ; and the results attained under their gui- 
dance have usually been happy or otherwise, ac- 
cording as the ruling motives of the leaders have 
been patriotic or selfish. These results, it is 
true, are materially affected by the amount of 
virtue and intelligence among the people ; but 
virtue and intelligence do not, alone, fit an indi- 
vidual for becoming a popular and successful 

14 



158 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1778. 

leader in troublesome times. There is necessary, 
in addition to these, a certain indescribable tact 
and native energy which few individuals have 
possessed, and which, perhaps, no one in our 
state has manifested in a more eminent degree 
than Governor Chittenden. 

<< He had not, indeed, enjoyed many of the 
advantages of education ; but his want of learning 
was amply compensated by the possession of a 
strong and active mind, w^hich at the time he emi- 
grated to Vermont was matured by age, prac- 
tised to business, and enriched by a careful 
observance of men and things. His knowledge 
was practical rather than theoretic. He was 
regular in his habits, plain and simple in his 
manners, averse to ostentation of equipage or 
dress; and he cared little for the luxuries, the 
blandishments, or the etiquette of refined society. 
In short, though he was destitute of many of the 
qualifications now deemed essential in a states- 
man, he possessed all that were necessary, and 
none that were superfluous, in the times in which 
he lived ; and he was probably far better fitted 
to be the leader and governor of the independent, 
dauntless and hardy, but uncultivated settlers of 
Vermont, than would have been a man of more 
theoretic knowledge or polite accomplishments." 

The very first meeting of the Vermont legis- 
lature was embarrassed by the presentation of a 
dilemma. The New Hampshire towns contiguous 



1778.] EMBARRASSmG PETITION. 159 

to Vermont had not been unmindful of the pro- 
ceedings of the new state, and having a com- 
munity of feeling and interest with the people 
of this model commonwealth, they were desirous 
of a closer union. Accordingly, on March 12th, 
the first day of the assembling of the legislature, 
a petition was presented from sixteen towns in 
New Hampshire, praying to be admitted as 
members of the state of Vermont. The petition 
set forth that they, the said sixteen towns, " were 
not connected with any state with respect to 
their internal police." The argument by which 
they defended this assertion was, that the origi- 
nal grant of the province to John Mason was 
circumscribed by a line drawn at the distance of 
sixty miles from the sea, and not including the 
territory immediately adjoining the Connecticut 
River. These towns were, like Vermont west 
of the river, '^New Hampshire grants," being 
annexed to that state solely by royal commis- 
sions, supplementary to the original charter. 
These commissions, they argued, could be of 
force no longer than while the authority of the 
crown subsisted ; and as all royal authority was 
done away, the obligation which annexed them 
to the state of New Hampshire was done away 
with it. And they, therefore, reasoned that it 
belonged to the people to determine what state 
they would join, and what government they 
would be under. It did not perhaps occur to 



160 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1778. 

the friends of this measure that their argument 
proved too much, and that the same objections 
which thej urged against the rojal grants would 
operate with equal force against the original 
royal charter. But when the " wish is father to 
the thought," we cannot expect impartial reason- 
ing or discriminating logic. 

The disposal of the application was a sad 
puzzle to the neophytes in legislation. The re- 
presentatives of the towns west of the mountains 
were decidedly opposed to the petitioners ; and 
probably, could the question have been decided 
at once, the majority of the assembly would have 
voted to dismiss the petition. But the repre- 
sentatives of the towns on the Connecticut Biver, 
being allured by feelings of interest and neigh- 
bourhood to the petitioners, more than intimated 
that unless the New Hampshire towns were re- 
ceived, they would secede from Vermont, and 
join with the petitioners in the erection of a new 
state. Afraid of the responsibility of a decision, 
and unacquainted with their precise powers in such 
an unexpected position, the legislature adjourned 
on the 18th of March, to consult their constituents. 

The advocates of the union of the new towns 
were indefatigable in their exertions to secure 
the members of the legislature and produce such 
an impression as they desired ; and when the as- 
sembly met, by adjournment, on the 4th of June, 
it appeared that a majority of the members were 



17T8.] NEW HAMPSHIRE TOWNS ANNEXED. 161 

in favour of the annexation. It was represented 
to the assembly that the inhabitants of these 
towns were unanimous in their desire to join 
Vermont, and that New Hampshire, as a state, 
would make no objection. Under these repre- 
sentations the assembly voted — thirty-seven to 
twelve — that the union should take place. And 
the assembly further resolved, that any other of 
the toAvns on the New Hampshire bank of the 
Connecticut River might come into Vermont, 
upon producing a vote of the inhabitants to that 
effect, or sending a representative. And having 
thus, with admirable indifference to what New 
Hampshire might say upon the subject, cut them- 
selves off, with a provision to accommodate more 
deserting communities, the sixteen towns politely 
announced to the government of New Hampshire 
that they had shaken off her jurisdiction; and 
they requested that a division line might be es- 
tablished, and a friendly intercourse be still 
maintained between the severed members and 
New Hampshire. 

As may readily be imagined, the New Hamp- 
shire legislature were not at all prepared to sub- 
mit to a proceeding which would at once dismem- 
ber their state, and establish a precedent which 
might lead to endless confusion. No landmarks 
and no boundaries would be safe under such lati- 
tudinarian construction. The legislature of 
New Hampshire authorized the president of the 

14^ 



162 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1778. 

council of safety, Mesheck Weare, to correspond, 
under instructions, with Vermont, and with the 
delegates of the state in Congress. To the latter 
he wrote on the 19th of August, urging them to 
take advice and procure the interposition of 
Congress ; intimating his apprehensions that this 
would be the only method in which the contro- 
versy could be settled without the effusion of 
blood, since all overtures of reconciliation made 
to the towns had been in vain. 

To the governor of Vermont, Mr. Weare wrote, 
claiming the sixteen towns as part of New Hamp- 
shire. He based his claim on the known bound- 
aries of the state before the Declaration of In- 
dependence ; on their sending delegates to the 
provincial convention ; on their petitions to the 
assembly for arms and ammunition ; on their re- 
ceiving commissions from the state government, 
and acting as a part of the state. He also an- 
nounced that the minority in the sixteen towns 
had claimed that protection which the govern- 
ment was bound by every consideration to afford; 
and he urged Grovernor Chittenden to exert his 
influence with the assembly of Vermont to dis- 
solve a connection which would endanger their 
peace, and probably their political existence. 
On the reception of this communication. Go- 
vernor Chittenden convened the council, and the 
result of their deliberations was to despatch Co- 
lonel Ethan Allen to Philadelphia, to ascertain 



1778.] NEW YORK DIFFICULTIES. 163 

how the proceedings of Vermont were regarded 
by the members of Congress. 

While in this dispute with New Hampshire, 
the government of Vermont was perplexed also 
with its New York difficulties. Governor Clinton 
was in correspondence with the adherents of 
New York in Vermont, and under his advice 
their proceedings began to take form and import- 
ance. In a letter of July 7th, to one of his 
friends, he said, " I would still, as on a former 
occasion, earnestly recommend a firm and pru- 
dent resistance to the draughting of men, raising 
of taxes, and the exercise of every act of govern- 
ment under the ideal Vermont state ; and in 
towns where our friends are sufficiently powerful 
for the purpose, I would advise the entering into 
association for the mutual defence of their per- 
sons and estates against this usurpation." Go- 
vernor Clinton also addressed Congress upon the 
same subject, urging that body to come to some 
decision. In this letter he reflected strongly 
upon Vermont for her proceedings, and predicted 
that without the interposition of Congress they 
must result in a civil war. And he declared 
that all the grievances of which Vermont com- 
plained, were from the former government of 
New York, and not from the present. 

Governor Chittenden and his council had in- 
deed a difficult course before them. In addition 
to these difficulties from without, and the partial 



164 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1778. 

disaffection within, which gave pretext to the 
New York pretensions, the spirit of the Green 
Mountain Boys made thera not a little unma- 
nageable. Having erected a state, and put the 
machinery of government into operation, they 
were not a little elated at their success, and at 
the appreciation of it which the New Hampshire 
towns showed in their desire for union. But the 
wings of the Vermont legislature were a little 
clipped by the report which they received from 
Philadelphia. Colonel Allen returned from his 
mission in October, and the assembly was sum- 
moned to act upon his communication. 

The report which the messenger brought from 
Philadelphia was, the members of Congress were 
unanimously opposed to the dismemberment of 
New Hampshire ; but that if proceedings in that 
regard were annulled, there would be nobody to 
oppose the admission of Vermont into the Union, 
except the representatives from New York. 
This understanding, of course, was informal, 
based on conversation with the members, and 
not on any action of Congress as a body. The 
subject was considered and debated several days, 
and was at length closed by three votes, indi- 
cating rather than affirming the opinion of the 
assembly. 

At the first session of the legislature the state 
was divided into two counties. Bennington on 
the west, and Cumberland on the east of the 



1778.] SECESSION OF LEGISLATORS. 165 

mountains. On the question, '<• Shall the coun- 
ties in this state remain as they were established 
in March last ?" the vote was affirmative, thirty- 
five to twenty-six. The question, <' Shall the 
towns on the east of the Connecticut River be 
included in the county of Cumberland ?" the 
decision was in the negative : yeas twenty-eight, 
nays thirty- three. The question, <' Shall said 
towns be erected into a county by themselves?" 
was negatived by the same vote. Discovering 
by these indications that the assembly hesitated 
to assume jurisdiction over the New Hampshire 
towns, the representatives from these towns 
withdrew, and were followed by the lieutenant- 
governor, two of the council, and fifteen mem- 
bers of the assembly from towns in Vermont 
proper. The number left was barely sufficient 
to form a quorum. The legislature finished its 
business, and adjourned to meet again in Feb- 
ruary, after in the mean while consulting their 
constituents. This mode of proceeding, to avoid 
responsibility, appears to have been quite a 
favourite course in the early days of the young 
state. It was certainly primitive and demo- 
cratic. 

The seceding members were not disposed to 
give up the matter, but entered a formal protest 
upon the journal of the assembly against its 
proceedings, and then went on to set up for 
themselves. Thev called a convention to as- 



166 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1778. 

semble at Cornish, one of the sixteen towns, on 
the 9th of December, the understood object of 
which was to establish a new government, the 
centre of which should be the Connecticut 
River. Only eight towns on the west of the 
river were represented, and these did not enter 
very heartily into the proceedings, some of them 
declining to take any part. This convention 
proposed to New Hampshire to agree upon a 
division line — to submit the line to Congress, or 
to refer it to arbitration. Or, if none of these 
propositions were acceptable, they declared that 
they were willing that the whole of the New 
Hampshire grants, now Vermont, should be 
re-annexed to New Hampshire, in accordance 
with the views of Governor Wentworth, who is- 
sued them. 

The Green Mountain Boys opened their eyes. 
The whole animus of the movement was now 
apparent, the sixteen towns evidently having 
no other object than to form a government, the 
centre of which should be upon the Connecti- 
cut River. How this was to be done, whether by 
uniting a considerable part of New Hampshire 
with Vermont, or giving Vermont entire to New 
Hampshire, was a secondary consideration, pro- 
vided only that the metropolis of the new state 
was in the valley of the Connecticut. Since 
the subject was brought home so directly to 
their own interest, they could perceive the 



1778.] RIVAL CLAIMANTS. 167 

injustice and impolicy of dismembering a state ; 
and the legislature which met on the 11th of 
February barely gave itself time to organize be- 
fore it dissolved the union with the New Hamp- 
shire towns. 

But it is a great deal easier to make a 
false step than to retrieve it — to get into dif- 
ficulty than to find the way out. Vermont 
formally notified New Hampshire of her de- 
cision, while at the same time the convention 
of seceders were operating upon the legisla- 
ture of that state. The legislature of New 
Hampshire, acting upon the suggestion of 
some of her leading men, determined upon 
a summary settlement of the whole question. 
She resolved the whole of Vermont under her 
jurisdiction, in pursuance of the old Wentworth 
grants, and memoralized Congress accordingly. 
New York also put in her claim, and petitioned 
Congress for the whole territory in pursuance 
of the old royal decisions. The suspicion was 
not unreasonably entertained, that there was 
a purpose in these conflicting demands to di- 
vide the bone of contention between the two 
states, and settle the dispute by giving half of 
Vermont to each. 

A new claimant now appeared, as if the 
matter were not already sufiiciently complicated. 
Massachusetts demanded a share of the con- 
tested territory, and made a very plausible 



168 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1778. 

argument. New Hampshire had belonged to 
the jurisdiction of New York and Massachu- 
setts, and the precise bounds between these two 
states were not yet determined. Whichever 
of the two contending states should acquire the 
disputed territory, Massachusetts would come 
in upon it like an encumbrance upon a con- 
tested estate. It is, however, a matter of 
doubt whether the motives of Massachusetts 
were really to assert a claim, or to postpone 
the absorption of the little state which was so 
gallantly contending with her powerful neigh- 
bours. Whatever might have been the inten- 
tion, the effect was to save Vermont from being 
summarily divided. 



1778.] ACTION OF THE "YORKERS." 169 



CHAPTER XII. 

Trouble with the adherents of New York in Vermont — Con- 
trast between the New York and Vermont claimants — Prin- 
ciples involved in the dispute — Vermont Congregationalists 
— "VVallumschaick — Tenure of Rev. Godfrey Dellius — Con- 
vention of "Yorkers" at Brattleboro — Petition to the go- 
vernor of New York — Military organization' — The New 
York officers captured by Ethan Allen — Appeals to Congress 
— Commissioners appointed by Congress — New York and 
New Hampshire authorize Congress to adjudicate between 
them — Massachusetts declines — Vermont makes an appeal 
to the world — Extracts from that document — Congress cen- 
sures Vermont by resolution — Governor Chittenden's reply 
— Sagacity of Vermont statesmen — Agents from Vermont 
sent to observe the proceedings of Congress — Their with- 
drawal and protest — Indefinite postponement of the matter 
by Congress — Indian forays — False alarm. 

The condition of the little state of Vermont 
was now more perplexing than ever. Hitherto, 
w^hile demonstrations had been made against her 
from without, there had been a majority within 
in favom' of her independence, sufficient to over- 
awe or silence the minority who supported the 
claims of New York. But now, acting upon the 
suggestions of Governor Clinton, and in keeping 
with the spirit and temper of the times, when 
every thing was determined by conventions and 
associations, the '' Yorkers," as the adherents 
of that interest were termed, began to form 

15 



170 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1779. 

themselves into organized bodies, to resist the 
authority of the " pretended state." The friends 
of the New York claims met in Brattleboro, on 
the 4th of May, 1779. The removal of foreign 
invasion from the vicinity of Vermont, by the 
capture of Burgoyne, appears to have given the 
disputants leisure to reimbark in their old dis- 
putes with increased zeal and acrimony. 

There was something besides mere proprietor- 
ship in land which imbittered the contest. The 
actual settlers in Vermont were men who had 
made com.paratively small purchases, and im- 
proved them by the labour of their own hands, 
and the joint assistance of their families. They 
had entered upon the work poor in money, but 
rich in resolution ; in many cases bringing no- 
thing with them except what could be transported 
on horseback. Others chose winter for their 
journey, and drew their little household gear 
on hand-sleds ; and sometimes the mothers, if 
infirm, and the children, were drawn to the place 
of their future habitation by their husbands and 
brothers. And other families carried all their 
possessions in packs upon their shoulders. Thus, 
says a late writer, Mr. De Puy, would a single 
family move into a township, and reside months 
without seeing any other human being. Mr. 
Amos Cutler, the first settler in the town of 
Brandon, spent an entire winter without seeing 
any other person ; and Mr. Abyah Wheelock, an 



1779.] RELIGIOUS FREEDOM. 171 

early pioneer of Calais, after a flourishing town 
had grown up around him, would allude plea- 
santly to the hermit life he had formerly endured, 
by asserting that there had been a time when he 
was the most respectable man in the town ! The 
wife of Thomas Whitmore, the earliest settler in 
Marlborough, spent the most of one winter alone, 
her husband being absent on business. This 
lady lived to the advanced age of eighty-seven 
years, and saw a flourishing state grow up where 
a few scattered families resided when she entered 
the territory. 

Being chiefly emigrants from Connecticut and 
Massachusetts, the Vermont settlers carried with 
them the practically democratic notions of those 
commonwealths. In some respects they were 
even in advance of their New England compa- 
triots, giving the first lesson to New England of 
true religious liberty. The first church organ- 
ized on the grants was at Bennington, in 1762 ; 
and while the members still denominated them- 
selves Congregationalists, and adopted the Cam- 
bridge '' platform," or confession of faith and 
rules of discipline, they omitted such parts as 
united the secular and ecclesiastical powers. The 
aid of the civil magistrates in enforcing the 
support of the ministry, and their power over 
the church in other respects, was never admitted 
in Vermont. 

To men who held such sentiments, the semi- 



172 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1779. 

feudal tenure of the New York grants was par- 
ticularly odious. They wished a state of free- 
holders, and not of tenants. They desired no 
class of " patroons" in feudal lordship over 
leaseholders. It is curious to observe how his- 
tory may be traced in trifling circumstances. 
Almost the only memorial of the attempted en- 
graftment of the feudal tenure upon Vermont, 
is in the name of the little stream called the 
"VValloomschaick, a branch of the Hoosac River. 
A Dutch gentleman named \Yallum purchased 
Bennington of the governor of New York, before 
the issue of the New Hampshire grants. Thence 
the tract was called Wallumschaick, afterward 
changed to its present orthography — schaick 
meaning scrip or patent. The first disputes 
with the settlers were upon this patent. 

Another New York grant, dated as far back 
as 1696, when Governor Fletcher, of New York, 
conferred upon Godfrey Dellius, minister of the 
Dutch church in Albany, eight hundred and 
forty square miles of the present territory of 
Vermont, the condition of the conveyance being, 
'«IIe Yielding, Rendering and Paying therefore 
Yearly and every Year unto Us, our Heirs and 
Successors on the Feast Day of the Annunciation 
of our Blessed Virgin Mary at our City of New 
Yorke the Annual Rente of one Raccoon Skinne, 
in liew and stead of all other Rents, Services, 
Dues, Dutyes and demands whatsoever for the 



1779.] DELLIUS'S GRANTS. 173 

said Tract of Land and Islands and Premises." 
For the same tract Dellius, who seemed disposed 
<« to make assurance doubly sure," and get the 
full value of raccoon skins, obtained a grant 
from the Mohawk Indians. But a succeeding 
governor of New York recommended the legis- 
lature to annul the grants, which was done ac- 
cordingly. The same legislature suspended 
Dellius from the ministry for '' deluding the Mo- 
hawk Indians, and illegal and surreptitious ob- 
taining of said grants." Yet Dellius transferred 
his claim to Rev. John Lydius, his successor. 
The heirs of Lydius sold under that title, and 
the government of New York chose to recognise 
the claim during the disputes with Vermont. 
Ethan Allen and the Green Mountain Boys sum- 
marily dispossessed the settlers who came upon 
their soil under such a pretext. They were re- 
instated and re-ejected, and this ''illegal and 
surreptitious deluding" was the basis of much 
trouble to the Green Mountain Boys. The 
holders under New York of these and similar 
titles were men of large fortunes, and often ob- 
tained their large grants upon such terms of 
favouritism that they could afford easy condi- 
tions to those who would settle under them. It 
is easy to see, as we have already observed, that 
the sturdy and practical republicans of Vermont 
found principle as well as mere interest involved 
in these disputes. 

15* 



174 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1779 

But the New York party were pertinacious. 
They met, as we have stated, at Brattleboro, 
and drew up a petition to the governor of New 
York, in which they related their grievances, 
and the proceedings which were in progress to 
confiscate their property, and entreated his ex- 
cellency to '' take immediate measures for pro- 
tecting the loyal subjects of that part of the 
state, and for convincing Congress of the impro- 
priety of delaying a decision in a matter which 
so nearly concerned the peace, welfare, and lives 
of so many of their firm adherents." Possibly 
the fellow-feeling of large landholders in New 
York, who had similar tenures to the disputed 
ones in Vermont, created an interest in their 
favour. The petition was replied to by the go- 
vernor of New York, with assurance of protec- 
tion, and the recommendation that the author- 
ity of Vermont should not be submitted to, 
except in cases where the alternative was ab- 
solute ruin. 

The petitioners took another step in their 
plans of resistance. They formed a military 
association, and representing that they could 
form a regiment of five hundred men, obtained 
the necessary commissions from New York for 
their officers, and begged, in addition, the aid of 
the militia of Albany county. The resistance 
to this movement by Vermont was prompt. Co- 
lonel Ethan Allen had, upon his return, been 



1779.] CAPTURE OF OFFICERS. 175 

invested with the command of the Vermont 
militia, and Governor Chittenden directed him to 
call out a force and meet this difficulty. Colonel 
Allen marched as directed, and made prisoners 
of the New York colonel and some other officers. 
The governor of New York was instantly ap- 
pealed to, in behalf of his officers held in duress 
by the Green Mountain Boys. Governor Clinton, 
in answer to a former communication, had assured 
the adherents of New York, in Vermont, that if any 
attempt was made to reduce them by force of arms, 
he would instantly issue his orders to the militia, 
" w^ho were properly equipped, and who would in- 
stantly be led against the enemies of the state, 
wherever they might happen to be." Probably he 
did not, when he wrote this promise, conceive of the 
possibility of a case arising under w^hich it might 
be claimed. At any rate wiser counsels prevailed 
than the opposition of force by force. Governor 
Clinton contented himself with an appeal to Con- 
gress, which body he had already addressed upon 
the same subject within a month. In the former 
letter he adverted to the necessity which was im- 
pending that he should call out an armed body. 
He intimated the possible consequences of such 
a proceeding, but said that justice, the faith of 
government, and the peace and safety of society 
would not permit New York to remain passive 
while such acts of violence were committed on 
her citizens. 



176 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1779. 

In answer to this letter, Congress, by a reso- 
lution of June 1st, appointed a committee of 
their body to repair to the district known as the 
New Hampshire grants, and inquire of the inha- 
bitants why they refused to continue citizens of 
the respective states claiming jurisdiction over 
them. The committee were instructed to take 
all prudent measures to restore quiet, and pre- 
vent animosities and divisions so prejudicial to 
the United States. Governor Clinton's second 
letter, advising Congress of the actual appeal to 
arms, arrived before the above-named committee 
had departed on their mission. Congress passed 
a second resolution, June 16th, in which they 
declared that the officers captured by Vermont 
ought immediately to be liberated, and in- 
structed their committee to investigate this pro- 
ceeding also. 

Five commissioners were appointed to repair 
to Vermont, two only of whom attended. They 
made many inquiries, held many conferences 
with gentlemen of all parties, and effected no- 
thing. Exasperation had gone too far to admit 
of compromise or reconciliation. Four parties 
claimed jurisdiction — NewYork, New Hampshire, 
Massachusetts, and Vermont; and it was not in 
the power of a body like Congress, which had 
really no authority, except by concession, to ad- 
judicate between them. The difficulty was per- 
ceived, and in order to remove it, Congress 



1779.] PROPOSED ARBITRATION. 177 

earnestly recommended New Hampslilre, Massa- 
chusetts, and New York, to authorize the na- 
tional Congress to settle the dispute for them 
relative to their boundaries. Poor little Vermont 
was entirely ignored in this matter, Congress 
advising those persons who denied the territorial 
claims of the above-named states to abstain from 
the attempt to exercise authority over those 
who admitted their jurisdiction. At the same 
time the said states were requested to abstain 
from executing their law^s over those who ^' have 
assumed a separate jurisdiction, which they call 
the state of Vermont." 

Nothing could be better for New York and 
New Hampshire than this proposal. Vermont 
was unrepresented in Congress, and unacknow- 
ledged ; and her neighbours had only to divide 
her territory between them, and thus settle the 
dispute by extinguishing the new government. 
Fortunately for the gallant little state, she had 
a fast friend in Massachusetts, and the sage 
counsellors of that commonwealth effectually 
barred proceedings, by neglecting or refusing to 
authorize Congress to act on the Massachusetts 
claim. The uncertainty and doubt which had 
hung over the settlements on the grants were 
as great and troublesome as ever. Indeed, if 
there was any change it was to the disadvantage 
of Vermont, since the proceedings of Con- 
gress evinced a willingness to sacrifice Vermont, 



178 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1779- 

rather than cause a rupture with the two states 
which claimed her soil, or with either of them. 
In this dilemma Vermont had no choice but to 
defend the position she had assumed ; since the 
recognition of four separate jurisdictions was 
incompatible with anj condition of society. 
Moreover, New York increased and aggravated 
the difficulty by granting commissions to her ad- 
herents in the several towns, encouraging spies, 
denying the acts of the state and the titles of 
the settlers to their lands. 

In order to keep their true position before the 
world, the governor and council of Vermont 
published an appeal on the 10th of December, 
1779, in reference to the foregoing resolutions 
of Congress. It was drawn up by Stephen R. 
Bradley, Esq., and while as firm in tone as the 
Green Mountain Boys' manifestoes, it is correct 
and chaste in language. We subjoin a few para- 
graphs. The appeal, in behalf of the inhabit- 
ants of Vermont, declared "that they could not 
hold themselves bounden, in the sight of God or 
man, to submit to the execution of a plan which 
they had reason to believe was commenced by 
neighbouring states : That the liberties and pri- 
vileges of the state of Vermont by said resolu- 
tions are to be suspended upon the arbitrement 
and final disposition of Congress, when, in their 
opinion, they were things too sacred ever to be 
arbitrated upon at all, and what they were 



1779.] APPEAL OF THE COUNCIL. 179 

bound to defend at every risk : That the Con- 
gress of the United States had no right to inter- 
meddle in the internal police and government of 
Vermont: That the state existed, independent 
of any of the thirteen United States, and was 
not accountable to them, or to their representa- 
tives for liberty, the gift of the beneficent Cre- 
ator : That the state of Vermont was not repre- 
sented in Congress, and could not submit to re- 
solutions passed without their consent, or even 
knowledge, and which put every thing that was 
valuable to them at stake : That there appeared 
a manifest irregularity, not to say predetermina- 
tion, that Congress should request of their con- 
stituents power to judge and determine in the 
cause, and never ask of thousands whose all was 
at stake: They also declared that they were, 
and ever had been ready to bear their proportion 
of the burden and expense of the war with 
Great Britain, from its first commencement, 
whenever they were admitted into the Union with 
the other states : But they were not so lost to 
all sense and honour, that after four years' war 
with Great Britain, in which they had expended 
so much blood and treasure, that they should 
now give up all worth fighting for, the right of 
making their own laws and choosing their own 
form of government, to the arbitration of any 
man or body of men under Heaven." 

Congress had proposed to take up the matter 




180 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1780. 

in dispute, on tlie 1st of Febriiarj, 1780. But 
the subject was not reached in that body until 
the 2d of June. On that day it was resolved 
that the proceedings of the people of the New 
Hampshire grants were highly unwarrantable, 
and subversive of the peace and welfare of the 
United States ; and that they be strictly required 
to forbear from any acts of authority, civil or 
military, over those of the people who professed 
allegiance to other states. By resolution on a 
subsequent day, the matter was deferred until 
September. 

When these resolves reached Vermont, Go- 
vernor Chittenden, by advice of his council, re- 
plied, that '' however Congress might view these 
resolutions, they were considered by the people 
of Vermont as being in their nature subversive 
of the natural right which they had to liberty 
and independence, as well as incompatible with 
the principles on which Congress grounded their 
own right to independence, and had a natural 
and direct tendency to endanger the liberties of 
America : That Vermont, being a free and inde- 
pendent state, had denied the authority of Con- 
gress to judge of their jurisdiction ; that as they 
loere not included in the thirteen United States, 
if necessitated to it, they were at liberty to offer 
or accept terms of cessation of hostility with 
Cfreat Britain, without the approbation of any 
other man or body of men ; for, on proviso that 



1780.] REPLY TO CONGRESS. 181 

neither Congress, nor the legislatures of those 
states which they represent, will support Ver- 
mont in her independence, but devote her to the 
usurped government of any other power, she had 
not the most distant motive to continue hostili- 
ties with Great Britain, and maintain an im- 
portant frontier for the United States, and for 
no other reward than the ungrateful one of 
being enslaved by them ; but notwithstanding 
the usurpation and injustice of neighbouring 
governments toward Vermont, and the late 
resolutions of Congress, yet, frOm a principle 
of virtue, and close attachment to the cause of 
liberty, as well as from a thorough examination 
of their own policy, they were induced once 
more to offer union with the United States of 
America, of which Congress were the legal repre- 
sentative body." 

When we consider the difficult position of 
Vermont, and the menaces which overhung her 
in so many directions, we cannot but admire the 
sagacity of her statesmen. While her very 
existence as a state was denied, and she had 
no representation in Congress, she was compelled 
to defend herself both against the manifest in- 
fluence of that body and against the machi- 
nations of her powerful neighbours. But the 
part which Congress had to perform was at least 
as difficult ; and while contemporaries complained 
of the inaction of the representatives of the 

16 



182 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1780. 

confederated states, we can now readily perceive 
that their true wisdom was to temporize. In 
September, 1780, the vexed question of jurisdic- 
tion came up again. Although Vermont had 
protested against the authority of Congress to 
legislate away her existence, and adjudicate 
upon her jurisdiction while she had no repre- 
sentatives in that body, still, as a matter of 
prudence, she sent Ira Allen and Stephen R. 
Bradley as her agents to watch the proceed- 
ings. These agents were admitted to a seat 
in the house, but not to a voice or a vote. 
They rem.ained until they perceived, by the 
course of proceedings, that the contest was 
regarded as one between New York and New 
Hampshire, without any recognition of the 
existence of Vermont as a separate territory. 
Indignant at such proceedings, but without 
power to interrupt them, the agents refused to 
sit as tame witnesses of the disfranchisement 
of the commonwealth they represented, and 
withdrew themselves from the sessions of Con- 
gress. 

They put in, however, as the agents of Ver- 
mont, a protest, similar in general tone and 
expression to the appeals and letters of the 
Vermont authorities, but making this strong 
point on the question before Congress : If the 
dispute is between the states claiming on the 
one part, and Vermont on the other, whether 



1780.] SPIRITED PROTEST. 183 

Vermont has a right to the legislative power 
which she possesses in fact, then Vermont 
should be heard or considered as to the ques- 
tion of right. If that right be disproved, 
the assumed authority must go with it ; but to 
deny the jurisdiction in the first place is to 
deny that there are any parties to the dis- 
pute. The remonstrants declared that they 
could no longer sit as idle spectators, without 
betraying the trust reposed in them, and doing 
violence to their own feelings ; that, by the 
mode of trial adopted, Vermont could have 
no hearing without denying her ov»'n existence, 
and that they would not take upon themselves 
such humility and self-abasement as to lose 
their political life in order to find it. They 
expressed the willingness of Vermont to sub- 
mit the dispute to the mediation and settle- 
ment of independent states ; they freely con- 
sented that Congress should interpose to pre- 
vent the effusion of blood, but denied the right 
of that body to sit as a court of judicature 
and decide the controversy by virtue of au- 
thority given to it by one party only in the 
dispute. After hearing New Hampshire and 
New York, and receiving the protest of Ver- 
mont, Congress indefinitely postponed the whole 
subject. 

While Vermont was thus struggling with 
her countrymen for political existence, and 



184 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1780. 

the recognition of her rights, the enemy were 
makins: an incursion into her territories. A 
party of three hundred Indians, commanded by 
a British officer, destroyed the settlement of 
Royalton, carrying away twenty-five prisoners, 
and killing four of the inhabitants. About 
twenty houses were burned, and as many barns. 
Cattle and sheep were slaughtered, and after 
a foray of several hours they were enabled to 
decamp unharmed, by threatening the lives of 
their prisoners if pursued. All the prisoners 
taken, except one who died in captivity, returned 
the next summer to their friends. 

Amid the alarms of the period there oc- 
curred one which furnished the subject of 
border mirth for many years. A party of 
settlers while surveying, undertook to imitate 
the war-whoop, and succeeded so well that the 
fright ran from settlement to settlement, till 
the originators of it were scared among the 
rest at the fright which their own folly had 
produced. The militia were ordered out — 
people ran from their dwellings in a panic, 
teams were left harnessed in the fields, and 
bread to burn in the ovens. Night brought 
a snow storm, and new horrors, for the blaze 
of burning dwellings seemed to light up the 
heavens. A few hours dispelled the illusion. 
The fires were found to be brush heaps, and 
the whole affair a false alarm. During the 



1781.] AGGRESSIVE ACTION. 185 

remainder of the war there were occasional 
isolated cases of murder by the Indians ; but 
for reasons which will shortly appear in our 
narrative, the British kept their savage allies 
quiet, and the land had rest. 



CHAPTER XIII. 

Vermont assumes the aggressive — Convention of New Hamp- 
shire towns — Second union with Vermont — Union of IVevv 
York towns with Vermont — Causes which led toi this state 
of things — British overtures to Ethan Allen — Cessation of 
hostilities to exchange prisoners — Commissioners appointed 
to arrange the terms — Other business before the commission- 
ers — Ethan Allen encloses the British letters to Congress — 
Extracts from his letter to that body — Renewal of the nego- 
tiations for "exchange of prisoners" — Colonel Ira Allen's 
three weeks in Canada — Interesting documents — British 
instructions — Green Mountain diplomacy — Ira Allen's com- 
mission — His report to the V^ermont assembly — Secret cor- 
respondence — Lord Germain's letter to Clinton — Impatience 
of the British agents — The constitution of the new royal 
province agreed upon by Colonel Allen and Major Fay — The 
British demand the new government of Vermont should be 
proclaimed — Colonel Allen assents on condition of some 
further delay — The British appear on Lake Champlain pro- 
vided with proclamations — They send an apology for killing 
an American soldier — Suspense and curiosity of the Ameri- 
can soldiers and citizens — Commotion in Governor Chitten- 
den's office — A dilemma — Skilful escape — Surrender of 
Cornwallis — Retirement of the British into Canada. 

Vermont, having acted hitherto upon the de- 
fensive, with the exception of the very short 
time during which the sixteen New Hampshire 
towns were admitted into union with her ; and 

16* 



186 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1781. 

having dissolved that union under an implied 
promise which had not been kept, and finding 
her prospect of admission into the confederacy 
still distant, determined to take an aggressive 
attitude. The course which New York and New 
Hampshire had pursued, wounded the pride of 
the stormy young republic, and she was desirous 
to pursue such a course as should compel the 
justice for which she had pleaded in vain. 

The opportunity for such a change of policy 
presented itself early in 1781. The towns in 
New Hampshire adjoining the Connecticut River 
were still uneasy and unsettled. Many of the 
leading citizens cherished their old desire for 
change. The most feasible mode appeared to 
be the union of Vermont to New Hampshire, 
and with this view a convention was called at -, 
Charleston, and circulars were sent to the towns 
in western New Hampshire inviting them to send 
delegates. They met accordingly, on the 16th 
of January, but the movers of the measure were 
not a little astonished to find a majority of the 
convention in favour of joining Vermont again, 
instead of annexing Vermont to New Hampshire. 
We are without the evidences of any such fact, 
but it would not seem unlikely that the busy 
Vermonters had made some exertion among their 
New Hampshire friends to bring about a result 
so unlooked for. However that may have been, 
the majority, and a large one, being in favour of 



1781.] UNION WITH NEW YORK TOWNS. 187 

the measure, a committee was chosen to confer 
with the assembly of the state of Vermont upon 
the subject. 

Accordingly, in the month following, the as- 
sembly of Vermont were officially informed of 
what they were well apprized before, to wit : 
That the convention of the New Hampshire 
towns was desirous of being united with Ver- 
mont, in one separate independent government, 
upon such principles as should be mutually 
thought the most equitable and beneficial to the 
state. This application was referred to the 
committee, who reported on the 14th of February, 
that : In order to quiet the present disturbances 
on the two sides of the Connecticut River, and 
the better to enable the inhabitants to defend 
their frontier, the legislature of this state do lay 
a jurisdictional claim to all the lands east of 
Connecticut River, north of Massachusetts, west 
of Mason's Line, and south of latitude 45°, but 
that they will not, for the time being, exercise 
jurisdiction. This resolution passed. 

At the same session, and on the same day, 
Vermont generously took a part of New York 
under her protection. A number of the inhabit- 
ants in the adjacent parts of New York, being 
that tract of country between Massachusetts and 
the Hudson River, prayed that Vermont would 
defend them against the enemy in Canada, 
and receive them into union with her. The 



188 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1781. 

legislature of Vermont accordingly passed a 
resolution la^ang claim to the district in ques- 
tion, taking in also all the land east of a line 
from the head of the Hudson to latitude 45° 
— a pretty generous appropriation, as it includ- 
ed Lake Champlain entire, and much territory 
west of that lake. There was the same proviso 
about jurisdiction in this resolve as in the re- 
solution to divide New Hampshire. 

Without an understanding of all the influences 
in operation, these paper enlargements of the 
state of Vermont ma^^- appear to the reader at 
the present day mere legislative bravado. But 
it was well understood that the British ministers 
and officers had high hopes of Vermont from the 
manner in which that sturdy little state had been 
treated by her more powerful neighbours, and 
by Congress. And so bitter had been the con- 
test, and so ominous though unintelligible the 
threats of the indignant Vermont officers, that 
it was generally believed in the other states 
her leading men would incline to a union with 
Canada, if no other alternative existed but sub- 
mission to New York. This belief brought 
whatever British leaven existed in New York and 
New Hampshire to favour the proposed union. 
This also operated to prevent Congress from 
proceeding to decide the controversy between 
New Y^ork and New Hampshire. Convenient 
questions of the power of the federal delegates to 



1781.] BRITISH OVERTURES. 189 

form a new state were raised, and thus they 
avoided all three horns of the dilemma, for to dis- 
oblige either of the parties in the contest would 
have been alike dangerous. And while the leading 
men of Vermont never for an instant faltered in 
their attachment to the cause of freedom, they 
were too politic to throw away any advantage 
which lay in their road. Vermont had now a 
nominal territory which was quite large enough, 
and she proceeded to dispose of lands without 
any heed to the grants which had been made 
by New York. 

A year before the date of the proceedings 
which we have just narrated, in April, 1780, 
Colonel Ethan Allen had received overtures from 
the British authorities in Canada, for a union of 
Vermont with Canada. In the street at Arling- 
ton, Colonel Allen was accosted by a man in the 
disguise of an American farmer, who afterward 
proved to be a British soldier. This man was 
the bearer of a letter which Allen read, and dis- 
missed the messenger. The contents of the 
letter were immediately laid before some confi- 
dential friends, including Governor Chittenden, 
and the result of their deliberations was that the 
matter should be passed over in silence, and no 
answer returned. The letter set forth the 
grounds upon which it was written, thus : " I 
have often been informed that you and most of 
the inhabitants of Vermont are opposed to the 



190 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1781. 

wild and chimerical scheme of the Americans in 
attempting to separate from Great Britain, and 
establish an independent government of their 
own, and that you would willingly assist in 
uniting America to Great Britain, and in restoring 
that happy constitution so wantonly and unad- 
visedly destroyed. If I have been rightly in- 
formed, and these should be your sentiments 
and inclination, I beg that you will communicate 
to me without reserve, whatever proposals you 
would wish to make to the commander-in-chief; 
and I hereby promise that I will faithfully lay 
them before him, according to your directions, 
and flatter myself that I can do so with as good 
effect as any person whatever. I can make no 
proposals to you until I know your sentiments ; 
but think, upon your taking an active part and 
embodj^ing the inhabitants of Vermont under 
the crown of England, you may obtain a separate 
government under the king and constitution of 
England, to act as the commander-in-chief shall 
direct, and the men, formed into regiments under 
such ofiicers as you shall recommend, be on the 
same footing as all the provincial corps are. 
If you should think proper to send a friend of 
your own here, with proposals to the general, he 
shall be protected and well treated here, and 
allowed to return whenever he pleases." This 
letter was dated at New York, then in the occu- 
pation of the British, and signed by Colonel 



1781.] EXCHANGE OF PRISONERS. 191 

Beverly Robinson. But the movement was 
made under instructions from the British cabi- 
net, as subsequently appeared. 

While these overtures were making to Colonel 
Allen from the direction of New York, si- 
milar proposals were received from Canada. 
The British cabinet had high hopes to effect by 
negotiation and purchase, what they had failed 
to do by invasion. The connection of New 
York and Canada, by way of the Hudson and 
Lake Champlain, which Burgoyne had not ac- 
complished, was to be effected by the corruption 
of the Green Mountain Boys. The attempted 
treachery of Arnold was no doubt a part of the 
same plot. And in this aspect of the case we 
perceive why reasons of state and stern necessity 
demanded the execution of the unfortunate Andre. 
It was more than suspected, even at this time, 
that the enemy were at work by emissaries ; and 
it was the rigid demand of war that such mes- 
sengers should be summarily dealt with. 

Governor Chittenden, in July, 1780, sent a 
flag into Canada requesting the release or ex- 
change of certain prisoners who had been carried 
into Canada. In the fall of the same year the 
British came up Lake Champlain in great force, 
and despatched a flag with a very favourable re- 
ply to Governor Chittenden's request, and a 
proposition for the cessation of hostilities be- 
tween the Vermont and the British forces dur- 



192 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1781. 

ing the negotiation of the exchange. Colonel 
Ethan Allen, commanding the Vermont militia, 
consented to the cessation, provided the adja- 
cent frontier of New York should be included. 
The reader will not f<iil to perceive in this sa- 
gacious conduct of Colonel Allen, the origin, 
in part at least, of the petition soon after pre- 
sented by the inhabitants of the New York 
towns to be admitted into Vermont. The af- 
fairs of that state were in reality managed by 
about a dozen of the most shrewd and far- 
seeing men in the world, and they played their 
difiScult role, in part openly and in part secretly, 
in a manner which deserves far more attention 
than it has usually received from the annalist. 

Colonel Ira Allen and Major Joseph Fay were 
appointed commissioners on the part of Vermont 
to meet the British agents, and arrange the 
terms of the exchange of prisoners. If they 
were not before apprized of the motives of the 
British commander for his extraordinary conde- 
scension and friendliness, their eyes were now 
opened. There was a much deeper purpose than 
the exchange of prisoners in the movements of 
the British commander. The same proposals 
were verbally made to the Vermont commission- 
ers, from the Canadian officers, as had been made 
by letter from New York to Ethan Allen. The 
commissioners received the proposals with great 
good humour, and so evaded any direct answer, 



1781.] MORE OVERTURES. 193 

though still holding out hopes and promises, 
that thej procured a continued cessation of hos- 
tilities, and the enemy retired to Canada without 
having injured the people of Vermont in any 
particular, or made any hostile movements. 

Immediately upon these events followed the 
annexation measures which we have already re- 
lated. While the assembly were legislating, the 
secret rulers of Vermont were busy with their 
correspondence. Ethan Allen, in February, re- 
ceived another letter from Colonel Robinson, 
enclosing a copy of the first, which he supposed 
had miscarried. In his second letter. Colonel 
Robinson spoke with increased confidence, based 
on " frequent accounts received for three months 
past." No doubt these accounts were the favour- 
able reports w^hich the Canada negotiators had 
furnished to the commander in New York. So 
confident was he of the defection of Vermont 
from the republican cause, that he desired in- 
formation in vfhat manner the people of Vermont 
could be most serviceable to the British govern- 
ment, whether by acting with the northern army 
or joining an army from New York. 

Ethan Allen retm-ned no answer to either of 
these letters, but in March enclosed them in a 
letter to Congress, informing that body of all 
the circumstances which had attended the busi- 
ness. We extract from the letter the following 
passage: "I am confident that Congress will 

17 



194 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1781. 

not dispute my sincere attachment to the cause 
of my country, though I do not hesitate to say 
I am fully grounded in opinion that Vermont 
has an indubitable right to agree on terms of a 
cessation of hostilities with Great Britain, pro- 
vided the United States persist in rejecting her 
application for a union with them. For Vermont 
W'Ould be of all people most miserable, were she 
obliged to defend the independence of the united 
claiming States, and they be, at the same time, 
at full liberty to overturn and ruin the inde- 
pendence of Vermont. When Congress con- 
siders the circumstances of this state, they will, 
I am persuaded, be more surprised that I have 
transmitted them the enclosed letters than that 
I have kept them in custody so long ; for I am 
as resolutely determined to defend the independ- 
ence of Vermont as Congress is that of the 
United States ; and rather than fail, I will retire 
with the hardy Green Mountain Boys into the 
desolate caverns of the mountains, and wage war 
with human nature at large." 

In the spring of 1781 the British authorities 
in Canada renewed their overtures. Colonel Ira 
Allen was sent to the British quarters upon the 
old pretext — an exchange of prisoners. He 
soon found himself engaged in the unfinished 
business of last year, the restoration of Vermont 
to the British crown. He remained in Canada 
nearly three weeks, and was engaged every day 



1781.] IRA ALLEN IN CANADA. 195 

in a skilful contest of diplomacy with the agent of 
General Haldiman. The documents in relation 
to this business, preserved by Hon. Henry Stevens 
of Vermont, and recently first published in Du 
Pay's "Ethan Allen," present the subject in a 
clearer light than it ever has been shown before. 
They consist of the instructions of General 
Haldiman to his agent, that agent's report of 
his proceedings, and two formal endorsements of 
the doings of the Vermont agents by Governor 
Chittenden and his council. The instructions of 
Haldiman make the same promises that we have 
already noticed, with definite offers of the com- 
mand of battalions, and the rank of lieutenant- 
colonel to Ethan Allen and Governor Chitten- 
den. The most remarkable feature in the docu- 
ment is the profound commiseration for the 
wrono:s of Vermont at the hands of her sister 
states and Congress, which General Haldiman 
professed to entertain. "Iagree,"he says, "that 
this negotiation shall cease, and any steps that 
led to it be forgotten, provided the Congress 
shall grant the state of Vermont a seat in their 
assembly, and acknowledge its independency. I 
trust that time and other methods will bring 
about a reconciliation and a return to their alle- 
giance," &c. &c. 

Whatever General Haldiman may have in- 
tended in the above — whether a covert threat, to 
induce Vermont to cease her efforts to be ad- 



196 HISTORY OP VERMONT. [1781. 

mitted into the American Union, or a show of 
greater magnanimity from an enemy than Ver- 
mont received from her countrymen, British di- 
plomacy was lost upon Ira Allen. That shrewd, 
and, we suspect, not overscrupulous negotiator, 
managed to befog his antagonist through the 
whole three wrecks, exciting hopes which were 
untangible when it was sought to reduce them to 
terms, and adhering to verbal communications 
entirely. Nothing but the great importance of 
securing Yermont could have induced the British 
officer thus to parley. The letter of Ethan 
Allen to Congress, which we have referred to 
above, was shown by Ira Allen to the British 
officer, with the greatest show of frankness, as 
was also the circular letter of the governor of 
Vermont to the other states, begging fOr assist- 
ance against the threatened British invasion, and 
the British officer was assured that these steps 
were only taken by Ethan Allen and Governor 
Chittenden for their own personal safety. We 
know not whether most to wonder at the eifronte- 
ry of the one or the credulity of the other party. 
We present one of the endorsements of Ira 
Allen's proceedings entire, as it jolaces the atti- 
tude in which the Vermont statesmen stood dis- 
tinctly before the reader : «' Whereas this State 
is not in union Avith the United States, altho' 
often Requested, &c. This the British Power 
are acquainted with, and are endeavouring to 



1781.] GREEN MOUNTAIN DIPLOMACY. 197 

take the advantage of these disputes Thereby to 
court a connection with this State on the Princi- 
ple of Establishing it a British Province — from 
various accounts we are well assured that the 
British have a force in Canada larger than this 
State can at present raise and support in the 
field ; and this State having no assurance of any 
assistance from any or either of the United 
States, however hard the British forces may 
crowd on this state from the Province of Que- 
beck-, by the advantage of the waters of Lake 
Champlain, &c. Altho' several Expresses have 
been sent by the Gov'r of this State, to several 
of the respective Gov'rs of the United States, 
with the most urgent requests to know whether 
any assistance would be afforded in such case, 
and no official answer has been made by either 
of them. 

<* Wherefore, we,.* the subscribers, do fully 
approbate Col. Ira Allen sending a Letter dated 
Sunderland, July 10th, 1781, and directed to 
General Haldimand, and another Letter to Cap- 
tain Justice Sherwood, Purporting an Intention 
of this State's becoming a British Province, &c. 
This we consider as a Political Proceedure to 
prevent the British forces invading this State ; 
and being a necessary step to Preserve this State 
from Ruin, when we have too much reason to 
apprehend that this has been the wishes of some 
of our assuming neighbours. In the mean time, 

17* 



198 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1T81. 

to strengthen this State against any insult, 
until this State receive better treatment from 
the United States, or obtain a seat in Con- 
gress." This document is dated July 10th, 
1781, and signed by Governor Chittenden and 
five others. 

These proceedings could not take place with- 
out exciting suspicions that something more was 
done in a seventeen days' conference than to ar- 
range about the exchange of prisoners. And 
when it was understood that Colonel Ira Allen 
would report to the Vermont assembly, there 
was a large attendance of interested spectators 
— not only citizens of Vermont, but Whigs from 
other states jealous of treasonable practices, 
and agents from Canada, watching for the royal 
interest. Th6 council met the assembly in joint 
committee. Governor Chittenden arose and 
stated that Colonel Allen had been sent to Ca- 
nada to obtain the release of sundry persons be- 
longing to Vermont, who were prisoners in the 
hands of the enemy, and that with much diffi- 
culty he had completed the business in behalf 
of Vermont, though no such exchange had taken 
place with the United States, or with any other 
individual state. He added, that Colonel Allen 
was present and could best give any further in- 
formation, if desired. 

The reader can scarcely forbear a smile at the 
governor's truly parental management, and his 



1781.] REPORTS TO ASSEMBLY. 199 

prudent reserve on doubtful topics. It is to our 
ears most primitive legislation ; but the Vermont 
managers understood very well what they were 
doing. The Canadians, and the few others who 
were in the secret, must have been highly di- 
verted. Colonel Allen followed, and endorsed 
the governor's statement, and concluded by 
stating that his papers had been left at home, 
but he would bring them the next day and sub- 
mit them for inspection. The fact of an officer, 
with a report to make, leaving his documents at 
home, would appear rather preposterous if we 
were not in possession of some facts respecting 
other papers, which may throw some light on 
this omission. On the next day the papers were 
produced and examined, and found perfectly 
satisfactory. The negotiations about the armis- 
tice and the royal government had all been done 
verbally, and nothing, of course, appeared in 
the written report which could give a colour to 
the rumoured treason. Colonel Allen professed 
himself ready to answer any questions. The 
friends of the United States complimented Colo- 
nel Allen on his openness and candor, and the 
Canadians returned satisfied with his astuteness 
and caution. 

While the little knot of diplomatists were thus 
parleying with the enemy, the great body of the 
Vermont people were inveterate in their hatred 
against the British and tories. Yet for nearly 



200 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1781. 

two years the Aliens kept up their correspond- 
ence undetected, if not entirely unsuspected. On 
one occasion, Colonel Ira Allen met a party in 
Sunderland, who were preparing to pull down 
the house of a loyalist accused of too friendly 
feeling for the British. Allen prevailed on them 
to return home and relinquish their design. On 
the same spot, and on the same evening that he 
had coaxed these ardent whigs to disperse, Colo- 
nel Allen, by appointment, received a packet 
from a British messenger. But the difficult game 
could not be played too long, and our Vermont 
managers found themselves more than once 
nearly at their wit's end before they had done 
with it. Events seemed to hurry the drama to 
a denouement, and among these was a most 
inopportune publication in the Pennsylvania 
Packet. 

A letter from Lord Germain, containing in- 
structions for Sir Henry Clinton, commander 
of the British forces in America, was intercept- 
ed and. published. The following paragraphs 
made quite a sensation in Congress and else- 
where : '<■ The return of the people of Vermont 
to their allegiance, is an event of the utmost 
importance to the king's affairs ; and at this 
time, if the French and Washington really 
meditate an irruption into Canada, may be con- 
sidered as opposing an insurmountable bar 
to the attempt. General Haldimand, who has 



1781.] DISCUSSION OF DETAILS. 201 

those people and give them support, will, I 
doubt not, push up a body of troops to act in 
conjunction with them, and secure all the ave- 
nues through their country into Canada ; and, 
when the season admits, take possession of the 
upper parts of the Hudson and Connecticut 
Rivers, and cut off the communication between 
them and the Mohawk country. How far they 
may be able to extend themselves southward 
or eastward, must depend on the numbers and 
disposition of the inhabitants." 

The British agents became impatient. This 
publicity would mar all, they thought, if the 
plan were not speedily matured. Ira Allen 
and Major Fay managed to amuse them, in 
September, with a discussion over the details 
of the plan of government for the new royal 
province of Vermont. The matter was con- 
sidered, item by item ; and when the Vermonters 
could no longer, like the wife of Ulysses, post- 
pone their suitors by undoing and reweaving, 
they were forced to confess that the web was 
finished and ready for wear. Then the British 
agents insisted that Vermont should immedi- 
ately declare herself a British province. The 
agents of Vermont declared (and this was un- 
doubtedly the truth) that Vermont was not 
yet ripe for the change. But the only com- 
promise they could obtain, was that the British 
commander should issue his proclamation de- 



202 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1781. 

daring the state a British province, and con- 
firming the plan of government agreed on, 
the proclamation to be made during the coming 
session of the legislature in October ; and the 
legislature to accept its conditions, and carry- 
it into effect. 

This was a hard condition to agree to — 
but even the shrewdness of Ira Allen could 
devise no escape, and the conference closed 
with this understanding. October came, and 
with it the session of the Vermont legislature. 
General St. Leger ascended Lake Champlain 
with a powerful British army, and a bountiful 
provision of printed proclamations, and landed 
at Ticonderoga. We may well imagine that the 
Vermont negotiators were in no little perplex- 
ity, and an incident which occurred, revealed to 
them, on a small scale, what would probably be 
the great explosion when their proceedings came to 
light. The Vermont troops were posted at Castle- 
ton, to watch the enemy. Their military opera- 
tions were, of course, a mere feint, the com- 
manders. General Enos and Colonels Fletcher 
and Wallbridge, being now in the secret, while 
the subordinate officers and men knew nothino- 

o 

of what had been done and was impending. 

Scouting parties were sent out to keep up 
appearances. One of these, commanded by 
Sergeant Tupper, met a British party, and 
both supposing that they were fighting fair, 



1781.] ALARM OF THE PEOPLE. 203 

shots were exchanged. Sergeant Tupper was 
killed, and his men retreated. General St. 
Legcr ordered Tupper's body to be honour- 
ably buriedj and sent his clothing to General 
Enos, Avith an open letter, in which he expressed 
his regret at the death of the sergeant. This 
communication and clothing were publicly de- 
livered to General Enos, and the w^iole Ame- 
rican force was presently in a buzz of surprise, 
suspicion, and indignation at such a most un- 
usual mission between belligerents, — and no 
wonder. 

The American commanders instantly wrote 
letters, and despatched them by express to 
Governor Chittenden at Charleston. They either 
had no person fit to entrust with the secret, 
or forgot to apprize their messenger, Mr. Hath- 
away, of the true state of the case. He rush- 
ed over the country with the sealed letters, 
and an open mouth, circulating, as he w^ent, the 
strange news that the British general had 
sent to his friends the clothing of an American 
soldier, killed in due course of war, with an 
apology for his death. Hathaway reached 
the governor's room with a crowd at his heels, 
anxious for enlightenment on so strange a piece 
of intelligence. On opening the letters they 
were found to contain matters which could not 
safely be made public. 

While the letters were passing from hand 



204 HISTORY OP VERMONT. [1781. 

to hand among those who were in the secret, 
Major Runnels, an officer in the A^ermont mi- 
litia, entered the room, and demanded of 
Colonel Allen, '^ Why General St. Leger should 
be sorry Tupper was killed?" Allen replied 
that he could not tell. Runnells repeated 
the question, the whole assembly being agape 
for the answer. Allen replied that "All 
good men were sorry when good men were 
killed, which might be the case with St. Le- 
ger." Highly indignant at this reply, Run- 
nels again loudly demanded to know " What 
could possibly induce a British general to 
be sorry when his enemy was killed, and to 
send his clothes to his widow?" Allen now 
angrily requested Major Runnels "to go to 
his regiment; and, at the head of that, demand 
of St. Leger the reasons of his sorrows, and 
not be there asking impertinent questions, 
and eating up the country's provisions while the 
frontiers were invaded !" 

Words followed words, increasing in anger, 
and Allen was not sorry to perceive that this 
by-play, which he skilfully kept up till Runnels 
left the room, vfas drawing attention from 
the letters. The dangerous documents were 
smuggled out, the Board of War (all in the 
secret) was convened, and while Hathaway 
detailed his news, the quick-witted managers, 
apt in emergency, wrote letters which could 



1781.] SURRENDER OF CORNWALLIS. 205 

be published, and substituted them for the 
original. These "were read before the council 
and assembly to quiet the people. Major 
Fay and Colonel Allen were at the same time 
busy preparing despatches for the British 
agents. In these letters they assured them 
that matters were going on favourably, but 
as a report was in circulation that Cornwallis 
had surrendered — which report was doubtless 
unfounded — they thought it expedient to de- 
lay the proclamation, until more favourable 
news should remove all doubt as to the ability 
of the British forces to sustain the new province. 

But an express which reached the British 
camp at Ticonderoga immediately after this 
communication was received, put a new com- 
plexion on affairs. It brought a confirmation 
of the rumoured surrender. Either in pur- 
suance of orders, or fearful of being surround- 
ed and captured in the elation of the Ame- 
ricans at such intelligence, St. Leger instantly 
re-embarked his forces, and went back to 
Canada, and into winter quarters. Thus ended 
a second campaign, in which management had 
protected Vermont, and with Vermont the Union, 
against an enemy of from seven to ten thous- 
and men, without even a skirmish. 

Probably nobody in the United States 
felt more rejoiced at the fall of Cornwallis 
than our Vermont negotiators. It had relieved 

18 



206 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1781. 

them from a strait in which their condition 
seemed one of inextricable embarrassment ; and 
no doubt through the winter the Board of War 
of Vermont *had many a hearty laugh at the 
baffled queries of the indignant Major Runnels. 



CHAPTER XIV. 

Action of Congress in relation to Vermont — Conditions 
proposed preliminary to her admission into the Union 
— Protest of Vermont against the action of Congress, 
and refusal of Vermont to comply — Message of General 
Washington to Governor Chittenden — The governor's 
reply — Threatened disturbances — Letter of General Wash- 
ington to Governor Chittenden — Vermont recedes from 
her refusal — Congress fails to perform its conditional pro- 
mises — Protest of the agents of Vermont — Indignation 
in Vermont at the evasive course of Congress — British 
overtures still continued — Remarks of Dr. Williams upon 
the Canadian correspondence — Disturbances in Windham 
county — Appeals to Congress — Resolutions of censure 
passed by that body — Vermont menaced by Congress 
— Spirited remonstrance of Vermont — Disturbances in 
Guilford — Martial law — Ethan Allen's proclamation — The 
•' Yorkers" driven out — Death of Colonel Seth Warner — 
Remarks upon his life and character. 

The publication of the letter of Lord Ger- 
main to the British commander in New York, as 
it gave importance to rumors of danger which al- 
ready prevailed, and demonstrated what Ver- 



1781.] PROPOSED TERMS OF UNION. 207 

mont could do, if she chose, quickened the ap- 
prehension of Congress as to the necessity of 
doing some thing in the case of Vermont. And 
just at this juncture three delegates arrived in 
Philadelphia, empowered to negotiate for the 
admission of Vermont into the Union, and to 
take their seats as her representatives, if ad- 
mitted. Under the spur of the letter of Ger- 
main, and the tide of popular opinion which was 
now setting in favour of the admission of Vermont, 
a committee of five were appointed by Congress 
to confer with the delegates from Vermont. On 
the 18th of August a conference was had be- 
tween the committee of Congress and the Ver- 
mont delegates; and on the 20th of the same 
month a resolution was passed by Congress, de- 
manding, as an indispensable preliminary to the 
admission of Vermont, that she should retreat 
into her old limits, and dissolve the connection 
which she had just formed with the New Hamp- 
shire and the New York towns. 

With this resolution both New York and Ver- 
mont were dissatisfied. The former state, by 
resolution of her legislature, protested against 
the action of Congress in the premises, and de- 
nied the authority of Congress to intermeddle 
with the former territorial jurisdiction of any 
state, or to form a new state by dismembering an 
old one. And Vermont, which now held her 
legislative session in Charleston, one of the New 



208 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1781. 

Hampsliire towns, also denied the authority of 
Congress to prescribe her limits, and resolved to 
hold the articles of union between the different 
portions of the state inviolate. She, however, 
professed a willingness to refer the question of 
her boundaries to commissioners mutually cho- 
sen; or, if admitted into the confederacy, she 
would then submit all such disputes to Congress. 
At the same time that the resolutions of Con- 
gress were transmitted to Vermont, General 
Washington sent a verbal message to Governor 
Chittenden, desiring to know what were the real 
designs, views, and intentions of the people of 
Vermont ; whether they would be satisfied with 
the independence proposed by Congress, or had 
it seriously in contemplation to join the enemy 
and become a British province. The governor, 
in his reply, dated November 14th, 1781, was 
explicit, candid, and decisive. He said that there 
were no people on the continent more attached 
to the cause of America than the people of 
Vermont, but that they were fully determined 
not to be put under the government of New 
York ; that they would oppose this by force of 
arms, and would join with the British in Canada 
rather than submit to that government. Gover- 
nor Chittenden confidentially detailed to General 
Washington, in this letter, the transactions of 
the Vermont negotiators with the enemy, and 
assigned as a reason for this course that, " Ver- 



1781.] THREATENED DISTURBANCES. 209 

mont, driven to desperation by the injustice of 
those who should have been her friends, was 
obliged to adopt policy in the room of power." 
With regard to the recent resolutions of Con- 
gress, offering hope of admission into the con- 
federacy. Governor Chittenden, in his letter, 
ascribed these measures, not to the influence of 
the friends of Vermont but to the power of the 
enemies of the country. ^' Lord George Ger- 
main's letter wrought on Congress, and procured 
that from them which the public virtue of the 
people could not obtain." 

Meanwhile Vermont was in some dilEculty 
with her new acquisitions. There were in the 
New Hampshire towns, and in the New York 
district which had been annexed to Vermont, 
many persons who objected to the union, and the 
governments of those two states were called 
upon to aid them in their resistance. Vermont 
imprisoned New Hampshire ofiicers, and New 
Hampshire retaliated in kind. There was talk 
of an armed posse, but nothing serious grew out 
of this difficulty. During the winter of 1781-2, 
bodies of New York and Vermont militia were 
placed in a hostile attitude in the towns belong- 
ing to New York which had joined Vermont. 
Happily the good sense and moderation of the 
commanders prevented any actual collision ; but 
the danger of violence produced an alarm which 
invoked the attention of General Washington. 

18* 



210 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1781. 

That true patriot exerted his powers of pacifica- 
tion, and wrote a letter to Governor Chittenden, 
from which we extract the following : — 

<' It is not my business, neither do I think it 
necessary now, to discuss the origin of the right 
of a number of the inhabitants to that tract of 
country formerly distinguished by the name of 
the New Hampshire grants, and now known by 
that of Vermont. I will take it for granted that 
their right was good, because Congress, by their 
resolve of the 7 th of August imply it, and by 
that of the 20th are willing fully to confirm it, 
provided the new state is confined to certain pre- 
scribed bounds. It appears, therefore, to me, 
the dispute of boundary is the only one that 
exists, and that being removed, all other diffi- 
culties would be removed also, and the matter 
terminated to the satisfaction of all parties. 
You have nothing to do but withdraw your ju- 
risdiction to the confines of your old limits, and 
obtain an acknowledgment of independence and 
sovereignty, under the resolve of the 20th of 
August, for so much territory as does not inter- 
fere with the ancient established bounds of New 
York, New Hampshire, and Massachusetts. In 
my private opinion, wMe it behooves the dele- 
gates to do ample justice to a body of people 
sufficiently respectable by their numbers, and 
entitled by other claims to be admitted into that 
confederation, it becomes them also to attend to 



1782.] CONDITIONS COMPLIED WITH. 211 

the interests of their constituents, and see, that 
under the appearance of justice to one, they 
do not materially injure the rights of others. 
I am apt to think this is the prevailing opinion 
of Congress." 

The weight of Greneral Washington's charac- 
ter, and the affection with which he was regarded, 
produced their effect; and in February, 1782, the 
letter of the commander-in-chief of the now 
victorious American forces being laid before the 
Vermont assembly, that body receded from its 
new territorial claims, and complied with the 
preliminary required by Congress, as the basis 
of negotiations for her admission into the Union. 
But her former refusal was under consideration 
in Congress at the very moment when she was 
retracing that false step. Resolutions were re- 
ported of a more positive character than any 
which had hitherto passed. By these, in case 
of the refusal of Vermont to retire within her 
original limits, her territory was to be divided 
between New York and New Hampshire. These 
resolutions failed, however, to pass, and the 
Vermont delegates arrived with an official state- 
ment of the compliance of Vermont with the re- 
quisition of Congress. A committee of Congress 
reported that Vermont having complied with the 
resolution of the 20th of August, the conditional 
promise therein became absolute. The report 
closed with a resolution to admit the new state. 



212 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1782. 

But Congress refused to fix a day for its con- 
sideration, and the state of Vermont found itself 
still unacknowledged. 

The delegates who had been sent from Ver- 
mont in the full faith^hat a few formalities only 
stood between them and their seats in Congress, 
on the 19th of April addressed a letter to the 
president of that body, and returned home. In 
that letter they represented that Vermont, in 
consequence of the faith pledged to that state, 
had in the most ample manner performed what 
was required. They expressed their disappoint- 
ment at the unexpected delay. Vermont, they 
stated, was now reduced to a critical situation, 
by casting off a considerable portion of her 
strength, being exposed to the main force of the 
enemy in Canada, and destitute of aid from the 
United States. They were urgent that delay 
might not deprive them of the benefit of this 
confederation, and requested that they should 
be officially apprized w^hen their attendance would 
be necessary. 

The people of Vermont were justly indignant 
that they were thus trifled with ; and the opinion 
became general that the assembly had been 
duped by the finesse of Congress. The inha- 
bitants of the state, both as individuals, and 
through their assembly, determined to trouble 
Congress no more with their claims to admission 
into the confederacy, but to adhere to the bound- 



1782.] BRITISH OVERTURES CONTINUED. 213 

aries which they had originally fixed, and Con- 
gress had recognised. They would defend their 
own jurisdiction, and rely upon their own 
strength. Still, as a matter of prudence, and 
to put themselves in a correct attitude, they 
again appointed agents to arrange the admission 
of the state into the Union, and waited now for 
overtures. 

The Revolutionary War virtually ceased with 
the surrender of Cornwallis in 1781. Perhaps 
the withdrawal of the outside pressure upon the 
Union made Congress negligent of the claims 
into notice of which they had been driven by 
foreign machinations. The British overtures to 
Vermont had, however, by no means ceased. 
During the winter of 1781-2 they were repeat- 
ed, and through the whole of the year the 
correspondence was kept up, principally on the 
part of the British officers. Offers of commis- 
sions to different persons were distinctly made. 
In July, Colonel Ira Allen was sent into Canada 
to request the release of two officers belonging 
to Vermont. The officers were released, and 
Colonel Allen was hard-pressed to negotiate a 
secret treaty ; and all the skill of the Vermont 
diplomatist was required to avoid compliance, 
and still procure a continuance of the armistice. 
This, however, he effected. We must do Gene- 
ral Haldiman the credit to pronounce him a 
most humane man, nor can we deny him the 



214 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1782. 

quality of sincerity in his professions of friend- 
ship for the Vermont people, and in his desire 
to do them a benefit. The last letter from 
Canada was written in March, 1783, when ru- 
mours of the peace had reached that province, 
and in it the writer expresses a regret that the 
"happy moment" for a reconciliation "could 
not be recalled." Still, the writer promised, 
" should any thing favourable present" — that is, 
a chance to be included in Canada be disco- 
vered — " you may still depend on his excellency's 
utmost endeavours for your salvation." We 
will dismiss this part of the history of Vermont 
with the remarks of Dr. Williams, the early his- 
torian of that state. 

" Thus terminated a correspondence which 
occasioned many and various conjectures at the 
time it was carried on. On the part of the 
British it consisted of constant attempts and 
endeavours to persuade the leading men of Ver- 
mont to renounce their allegiance to the states 
of America, and become a British province. 
On the part of the gentlemen of Vermont, the 
correspondence consisted of evasive, ambiguous 
general answers and proposals, calculated not to 
destroy the British hopes of seduction, but 
carefully avoiding any engagements or measures 
that could be construed to be the act of the 
government. And it had for its object a cessa- 
tion of hostilities, at a time when the state of 



1782.] DR. WILLIAMS'S REMARKS. 215 

Vermont, deserted by the continent, and unable 
to defend herself, lay at the mercy of the enemy 
in Canada. 

ii Eight persons only in Vermont were in the 
secret of this correspondence. Each of them 
was known to be among the most confirmed 
friends to the American cause. They had 
avowed their sentiments and embraced the cause 
of their country from the beginning of the 
American war. They had suffered severely, 
often borne arms, and done every thing in their 
power to defend the independence of the states. 
And, through the whole of this correspondence 
they gave the most decisive proofs that they 
could not be bought or bribed by any offers of 
wealth and honour. But so odious were the 
British proceedings and government, at that 
time, to the people of America, that it was with 
difficulty the people of Vermont could be 
kept quiet, under the idea of a correspondence 
carried on with the British, though known to be 
designed for their protection. Once or twice 
there were small insurrections to demand ex- 
planations ; and nothing but the well-known and 
strong attachment of the gentlemen concerned 
to the independence of Vermont and of America 
could have preserved them from open violence 
and destruction." 

Having thus disposed of the Canada entangle- 
ment, it remains that we state the conclusion 



216 HISTORY OF VERMONT, [1782. 

of the New York diflBculty. During the year 
1782, a draught of militia was ordered by the 
assembly of Vermont. Certain persons in 
Windham county, denying the jurisdiction of 
Vermont, resisted, and being furnished with 
New York commissions, civil and military, 
undertook an organized resistance. The mi- 
litia were called out by Governor Chittenden, 
the leaders of the sedition were captured, 
several were fined or imprisoned, and five of 
the most obnoxious banished. New York ap- 
pealed to Congress ; and that body passed re- 
solutions of censure against Vermont, for having 
exercised authority over persons who professed 
allegiance to New York. Congress directed 
restitution to be made to those who had been 
fined and banished, and that they should be 
admitted to return without molestation. Ef- 
fectual measures were threatened to enforce 
compliance — but it was easier to threaten than 
to perform. 

The governor and council of Vermont imme- 
diately replied to these resolutions of Con- 
gress in a spirited remonstrance. In this 
document Congress was reminded of its en- 
gagements to Vermont still unfulfilled, and the 
remonstrants claimed that Vermont had as 
good a right to independence as Congress. 
They asserted that Vermont had as much au- 
thority to pass resolutions prescribing measures 



1T82.] REMONSTRANCE TO CONGRESS. 217 

to Congress, as tliat body had to interfere be- 
tween that state and criminals punished in due 
course of law. The remonstrants asserted that 
Congress was pursuing the same measures to- 
ward Vermont, which Britain had used against 
the American colonies, and which it had been 
judged necessary to oppose at every risk and 
hazard : That such proceedings tended to make 
the liberty and natural rights of mankind a 
mere bubble, and the sport of politicians : That 
it was of no importance to America to pull 
down arbitrary power in one form, that they 
might establish it in another : That the in- 
habitants of Vermont had lived in a state of 
independence from the fii'St, and would not 
submit to be resolved out of it by the influ- 
ence which New York, their old adversary, 
had in Congress : That they were in full posses- 
sion of freedom, and would remain independent, 
notwithstanding all the power and artifice of 
New York : That they had no controversy with 
the United States, considered as a whole, but 
were at all times ready and able to vindicate 
their rights and liberties against the usurpations 
of the state of New York. 

The changes and delays of Congress were 
well objected to in the remonstrance. '' Con- 
gress has been so mutable in their resolutions 
respecting Vermont that it is impossible to 
know on what ground to find them, or what they 

19 



218 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1783. 

design next. At one time tliey guarantee to 
New Hampshire and New York their lands 
Vt^ithin certain described limits, leaving a place 
for the existence of Vermont ; the next thing 
Vermont hears from them is, they are within 
those limits controlling the internal government 
of the state. Again, they prescribe prelimina- 
ries of confederation, and when these are com- 
plied with on the part of the state they unrea- 
sonably procrastinate the ratification." Against 
the measures of Congress the remonstrants 
declared they would appeal to the justice of his 
excellency, General Washington. They recom- 
mended that the matter should be left to the 
states interested rather than that Congress should 
be embroiled with it : protested against a de- 
cision upon ex farte evidence, and renewed their 
request that Congress should fulfil its conditional 
promise of admission, now become absolute by 
the compliance of Vermont with their terms. 
The Vermont assembly, at its next session in 
February, 1783, endorsed the action of the go- 
vernor and council. Congress took no further 
steps in the business, and Vermont was left un- 
disturbed, so far as the action of the United 
States was concerned. The assembly went an- 
nually through the form of electing agents to 
attend to the formalities of admission, whenever 
they should be advised that Congress was pre- 
pared for them. The internal police and laws 



1T83.] DISTURBANCES IN GUILFORD. 219 

of the state w^re conducted, and its government 
administered, as if Vermont were not only in- 
dependent, but the only independent state in the 
world. 

The disaffected citizens of Vermont, in the 
interest of New York, commonly called " York- 
ers," kept up their resistance. The county in 
which the Yorkers were most numerous was 
Windham, and Guilford in that county was the 
head-quarters of the opposition. A majority 
of the inhabitants, and the town was then the 
most populous in the state, were Yorkers ; and 
they annually appointed committees ''to prevent 
the constable from acting," or "to defend the 
town against the pretended state of Vermont." 
To ensure a majority, the Yorkers frequently 
summoned an armed force from the neis-hbour- 
ing towns to keep the '-new state" voters from 
the polls. In Guilford and some other places there 
were separate town organizations. Social order 
was at an end, iOiagitious handbills stirred up 
discord, relatives and friends were arrayed 
against each other, and even physicians were 
not allowed to visit the sick without passes from 
the several committees. Every thing was in a 
state of frightful anarchy and confusion, and it 
became imperiously necessary that the govern- 
ment should enforce its laws and jurisdiction. 

In the summer of 1783, Colonel Ethan Allen 
was directed to call out the militia to suppress 



220 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1784- 

the insurrection and disturbance in the county 
of Windham. Proceeding to Guilford with an 
armed posse of one hundred men, he issued there 
the following characteristic proclamation : " I, 
Ethan Allen, declare that unless the people of 
Guilford peaceably submit to the authority of 
Vermont, the town shall be made as desolate as 
were the cities of Sodom and Gomorrah." The 
Yorkers, in defiance of this proclamation, firing 
upon Allen and his men, were pursued, and all 
captured or dispersed. The prisoners were put 
under bonds for their good behaviour, and com- 
pelled to furnish supplies and quarters for their 
captors. The taxes were collected under martial 
law, the property of the New York partisans 
being summarily seized and sold for the benefit 
of the state. Martial law in the hands of Ethan 
Allen was a summary process. 

During the following winter the disturbances 
were renewed. Armed parties of the "Yorkers" 
resisted ; but after some wounds and bruises, the 
forced collection of taxes, whipping, fines, and 
the pillory, the malecontents ceased their resist- 
ance, and either took the oath of allegiance to 
Vermont, or left the state. Many of them set- 
tled on lands in New York, which the legislature 
of that state had granted for the benefit of such 
sufi'erers. From this period all armed resist- 
ance to Vermont ceased ; and although New 
York did not immediately acknowledge the in- 



1784.] DEATH OF SETII WARNER. 221 

dependence of the new state, she suffered her 
claims to remain in abeyance. 

At the close of the year 1784 died Colonel 
Seth Warner. He was one of the master spirits 
among the Green Mountain Boys, and the first 
who received a commission from the United 
States. He was very active and useful to the 
cause, an intrepid soldier and a good officer. 
Colonel Warner had all the elements of success 
as a popular leader. In person he was com- 
manding, in manners winning, and in exigencies 
prompt and active. He possessed those useful 
qualities which eminently fit a man for back- 
woods life. He was a skilful botanist, ready 
with simple remedies to be the physician and 
surgeon, as well as the commander of his men. 
He was a good huntsman, and his unerring aim 
and physical hardihood commanded respect where 
such properties were indispensable. He was in 
constant service during the war, and possessed 
in a high degree the confidence of General 
Washington, by whom he was employed in many 
difficult and responsible duties. His death, in 
his forty-second year, was the result of disease 
produced by the fatigues he had undergone. A 
native of Connecticut, he returned to that state 
to die, and his remains were consigned to the 
earth in Roxbury, with military honours. A 
widow and three children survived him. Like 
many others he suffered his private fortune to 

19* 



222 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1783. 

diminish while engaged in the service of his 
country ; and although some relief was extended 
to his family by Congress, his pecuniary rewards, 
as in many other cases, bore no proportion to 
his public services. But his memory is embalm- 
ed in the hearts of his countrymen. 



CHAPTER XV. 

Condition of Vermont in 1783 — Continued prosperity — Fede- 
ral constitution, 1788 — Adjustment of tb^ ditiiculty with New 
York, 1790 — The close of the Continental Congress — The 
new Congress and its services — Prosperous condition of the 
country — Population of Vermont at difi'erent periods — Death 
of Colonel Ethan Allen — Remarks upon his character — 
Observations of Colonel Graydon respecting him — His per- 
sonal appearance — His style of conversation — General 
W^ashington's opinion of him — Colonel Allen as a man of 
honour — His rebuke to the lawyer. 

The peace with Great Britain, in 1T83, found 
Vermont in a ve]-y enviable position in some re- 
spects as compared with the states in the Ame- 
rican Union. The boundaries of the new state 
had been tacitly defined and established, and the 
internal government was now proceeding as 
quietly and with as much benefit and advantage 
to the people as that of any other state on the 
continent. The laws were few, simple, and well- 
administered. Taxes were light, and the salaries 



1783.] PROSPERITY OF THE STATE. 223 

of state officers were on a more frugal scale 
than in any other political community in the 
world. The danger of invasion, and the un- 
certainties and barbarities of war having ceased, 
the Vermont lands, the title being now in the 
state government, were rapidly taken up and 
settled by emigrants from other states. From 
this source a revenue was derived which tended 
still further to abate the pecuniary liabilities of 
the people in support of their institutions. The 
pastoral and bappy state seemed to realize the 
dreams of political enthusiasts of a perfect com- 
monwealth; and the backwoodsmen who had 
been buffeted by their more advanced neigh- 
bours, iuA^ted, repulsed, and trilled with, now 
looked with a sort of dignified pity on the fac- 
tions and troubles which disturbed the Union, 
and rejoiced that they were not affected by 
them. 

The immense debt — hopeless of liquidation as 
it then appeared — which had been contracted in 
the prosecution of the War of Independence, 
did not affect Vermont. Politically unrecog- 
nised, the urgent demands of Congress upon the 
states to furnish their quota, Vermont would not 
hear and need not heed. Her own troops, raised 
to defend her own territory, she was obliged to 
pay; but the finesse and policy of her managers, 
which postponed invasion by diplomacy, had ren- 
dered but a small army necessary. Under such 



224 HISTORY OF YEKMOXT. [1790. 

circumstances we may well imagine that the 
people of Vermont had ceased to feel any soli- 
citude to be admitted into the Union. There 
were still undecided questions — particularly as 
to land titles and jurisdictions; but a quarter 
of a century had accustomed them to this incon- 
venience, and the pause in the active proceedings 
of New York had rendered the evils more theo- 
retical than actual. 

Vermont escaped the discussion, in many of the 
states conducted with a great deal of acrimony, 
which attended the adoption of the Federal con- 
stitution. No doubt her leading men looked on, 
and her people debated the advantages and dis- 
advantages of the proposed Federal Union under 
the new constitution, but it was as spectators and 
not as participants. When, by the Convention 
of 1787, the constitution was determined upon, 
and in that and the following year, eleven states 
came into the Union, South Carolina following 
in 1789, and Rhode Island in 1790, the inha- 
bitants of Vermont perceived, in the workings 
of the new system, the promise of perpetuity 
and the prospect of relief from the public debt. 
They discovered, moreover, that the Federal go- 
vernment possessed a strength which contrasted 
favourably with the inefficiency of the old Con- 
gress and confederation, and were now again 
disposed to enter the Union. 

The old opponent of Vermont, New York, was 



1790.] NEW YORK DIFFICULTY ADJUSTED. 225 

now not only willing but anxious that Vermont 
should come into the confederacy. The position of 
things had changed, and Vermont with her two 
senators could do New York and the northern in- 
terest better service than if her territory were an 
integral part of any other state, and could, there- 
fore, add nothing to the weight of the Northern 
states in the Senate. The question of jurisdic- 
tion, long since tacitly relinquished, was now 
waived altogether, and the only point to be de- 
termined was in regard to the conflicting land- 
titles, and the claims of those adherents of New 
York who had been dispossessed and expelled 
from Vermont. Commissioners were appointed 
by the two states, who met and defined the 
boundary as claimed by Vermont, and agreed 
upon the sum of thirty thousand dollars, to be 
paid by Vermont to New York for the extin- 
guishment of the disputed titles. These con- 
ditions, agreed upon by the commissioners, were 
ratified by the legislatures of the two states in 
1790, and an end was thus put to a controversy 
which had lasted for twenty-six years. In re- 
viewing the dispute, though we are compelled to 
admit that the Green Mountain Boys did many 
rude and lawless acts, we cannot but admire their 
sturdy resistance. They certainly w^ere the op- 
pressed party in the dispute ; and the wisdom and 
courage with which they contended against su- 
perior power, and the firm adherence which they 



22G HISTORY OF VERMOXT. [1790. 

preserved, under their ungracious treatment, to 
the cause of freedom and their common country, 
are deserving of high praise. Their services 
■were most important in bringing the struggle 
with Great Britain to a successful issue. In 
defending their territory, whether by arms or by 
artifice, they were defending the confederacy, 
and aiding the common cause, even while the 
treatment which they received from the Congress 
was discourteous, if not oppressive. But, as we 
have already remarked, it is rather wonderful 
that Congress effected so much, than that there 
should have been some cause of complaint ; and 
it is only by closer reading than the common 
compendious histories of the Revolutionary pe- 
riod furnish, that we are enabled to do justice 
to that remarkable body, the Continental Con- 
gress. 

The new Congress met in New York, in 1789, 
but it was not until April 6th, a month after the 
time appointed for assembling, that a quorum of 
members of the two houses came together. Their 
first duty was to count the votes for president and 
vice-president. Washington had sixty-nine votes, 
the whole number cast. By the constitution of 
the United States, as at first adopted, the candi- 
date receiving the next highest number was de- 
clared vice-president. John Adams received 
thirty-four votes, and was elected. The labours 
of the first Congress are thus summed up by 



1790.] REVIEW OF NEW CO^^GRESS. 227 

Ilildreth, in his History of the United States, 
and a better review of their proceedings has 
not been given. ^'Itwas a body, next to the 
convention that framed the constitution, by far 
tlie most illustrious and remarkable in our post- 
revolutionary annals. On coming together, the 
new Congress had found the expiring govern- 
ment of the confederation without revenue, with- 
out credit, without authority, influence, or re- 
spect, at home or abroad ; the state governments 
suffering under severe pecuniary embarrassments ; 
and a large portion of the individuals who com- 
posed the nation overwhelmed by private debts. 
Commerce and industry, without protection from 
foreign competition, and suffering under all the 
evils of a depreciated and uncertain currency, 
exposed also to serious embarrassments from 
local jealousies and rivalries, were but slowly and 
painfully recovering from the severe dislocations 
to which, first, the War of the Revolution, and 
then the peace had subjected them. Even the 
practicability of carrying the new constitution into 
effect, at least without making the remedy worse 
than the disease, was seriously doubted, and 
stoutly denied by a powerful party having many 
able men among its leaders, and, numerically con- 
sidered, including perhaps a majority of the 
people of the United States. 

" In two short years a competent revenue had 
been provided, the duties imposed to produce it 



228 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1791. 

operating also to give to American producers a 
preference in the home market, and to secure to 
American shipping a like preference in Ameri- 
can ports. The public debt, not that of the 
confederation only, but the great bulk of the 
state debts, had been funded, and the interest 
provided for, the public credit having been thus 
raised from the lowest degradation to a most re- 
spectable position. The very funding of this 
debt, and the consequent steady and increasing 
value thus conferred upon it, had given a new 
character to the currency, composed as it was, 
in a great measure, of the public securities ; 
while steps had been taken to improve it still 
further by the establishment of a national bank. 
A national judiciary had been organized, vested 
with powers to guard the sanctity of contracts 
against stop laws, tender laws, and paper money. 
The practicability and efficiency of the new 
system had been as fully established as the 
experience of only two years would admit, and 
the nation thereby raised to a respectable posi- 
tion in its own eyes, and in those of foreign 
countries." 

Such was the condition of things when, in 
1791, Vermont, without a dissenting vote, was 
admitted into the Union. The little state came 
in on the tenth wave, having escaped all the 
eight years of trouble and doubt which inter- 
vened between the proclamation of peace and 



1791.] ADMITTED IXTO THE UNIOX. 229 

tlie adoption of the Federal constitution. Her 
membership of the confederacy commenced on 
the 4th of March, 1791. The first senators were 
Moses Robinson and Stephen R. Bradley; repre- 
sentatives, Nathaniel Niles and Israel Smith. 
Her Congressional delegates from that time to 
the present have been such as to do honour to 
the state they represented, and to command the 
respect of their associates in Congress. The 
number of representatives to which Vermont is 
entitled by the present appointment, is four. 
The population at the commencement of the 
Revolution was estimated at twenty thousand, 
and at the close at thirty thousand. The succes- 
sive decennial enumerations of the inhabitants, 
from the date of the admission of the state into 
the Union, are as follows: 1791, 85,416; 1800, 
154,465; 1810,217,713; 1820, 235,764; 1830, 
280,652; 1840, 281,948; 1850, 314,120. The 
ratio of increase, very large at the beginning, 
has become much reduced. This is a necessary 
consequence of the fact that the state contains 
an agricultural community; and of course its 
population must be less than where commerce 
and manufactures collect large bodies of inha- 
bitants in a limited space. 

Colonel Ethan Allen died in 1779, having 
lived to witness the termination of the contest 
with New York, in which he had borne so large 
a part from the commencement to the close. At 

20 



230 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1791. 

the time of his death he was aged only fifty 
years, and many of his eccentric movements, as 
leader of the "Green Mountain Boys," may be 
placed to the account of youthful extravagance. 
But he was all his life through an eccentric man, 
quite as remarkable for his peculiarities as 
praiseworthy for his services. He was, unhap- 
pily, a sceptic in religion, and had an un- 
fortunate habit of obtruding his opinions, not 
only in conversation but by printing them. So 
wild were some of his fancies, that the opinion 
has been maintained by many who had opportu- 
nity for judging, that his peculiarities were as- 
sumed in order to excite remark. He had the 
virtues and the follies which would naturally be 
looked for from the circumstances of his life. 
Colonel Graydon, who was his fellow-prisoner in 
New York, speaks in a kind and impartial man- 
ner of him. After quoting some of Allen's 
strangely violent language, Graydon says : 

" Should this language seem too highly 
wrought, it should be remembered that few have 
ever more severely felt the hand of arbitrary 
power than Allen, and that he had but recently 
emerged from the provost guard, to which, for 
some alleged infringement of parole, he and 
Major 0. H. Williams, a very gallant and dis- 
tinguished officer, had been committed. Allen 
had been brought from Halifax to New York, 
and was admitted to parole when we were. His 



1791.] CHARACTER OF ETHAN ALLEN. 231 

figure was that of a robust, large-framed man, 
worn down by confinement and hard fare ;" but 
he was now recovering his flesh and spirits, and 
a suit of blue clothes, with a gold-laced hat that 
had been presented to him by the gentlemen of 
Cork, enabled him to make a very passable ap- 
pearance for a rebel colonel. He used to show 
a fracture in one of his teeth occasioned by his 
twisting off with it, in a fit of anger, the nail 
which fastened the bar of his hand-cufis. I had 
become well acquainted with him, and have more 
than once heard him relate his adventures while 
a prisoner before being brought to New York, 
exactly corresponding in substance and language 
with the narrative he gave the public in 1779. 
I have seldom met with a man possessing a 
stronger mind, or whose mode of expression was 
more vehement and oratorical. His style was a 
singular compound of local barbarisms, scriptural 
phrases, and oriental wildness ; and though un- 
classic, and sometimes ungrammatical, it was 
highly animated and forcible. * * * Not- 
withstanding that Allen might have had some- 
thing of the insubordinate, lawless, frontier spirit 
in his composition, having been in a state of 
hostility with the government of New York be- 
fore the Revolution, he appeared to me to be a 
man of generosity and honour, several instances 
of which occur in his publication, and one, not 
equivocal, came under my own observation. 



232 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1791. 

General "Washington, speaking of him in an of- 
ficial letter, of May 12th, 1788, observes, with 
a just discrimination, that there was an original 
something in him which commanded admiration." 
The incident referred to by Colonel Graydon 
is the following. Certain American officers, 
prisoners on parole, had been committed tem- 
porarily to close confinement. On their re- 
lease, without the exaction of a new parole, 
they submitted the question to a board of 
ofiicers whether they would not be justified in 
going away. "I forget," says Gra3'don, ^'who 
composed the board. I only recollect that Colo- 
nel Ethan Allen was one, and that his opinion 
w^as that of a man of honour, and a sound 
casuist. He admitted that they had a right to 
escape from their actual confinement, but that 
now the case was altered ; and that, although no 
new parole had been given, yet the obligation 
of the former one should be considered as re- 
turning on their enlargement, and that they were 
under the same restraint, in point of honour, 
that they had been before their commitment to 
the provost. This was also the opinion of the 
board, and unanimously approved, as well by the 
gentlemen immediately interested as by others. 
I have mentioned this circumstance principally to 
show that Allen, however turbulent a citizen 
under the old regime, was not the vulgar ruffian 
that the New York royalists represented him." 



1791.] ALLEN AND THE LAWYJ3R. 233 

\Ye may add another anecdote illustrative of 
Allen's sense of honour. A suit had been com- 
menced against him on a note of hand. Allen 
employed a lawyer to procure a postponement of 
the judgment. The lawyer, as the easiest 
method to procure delay, denied his client's sig- 
nature, that the difficulty of proving it might 
make the other party consent to a postponement. 
"Sir," shouted Allen, who happened to be. in 
court, and came striding forward in a great 
passion — " Sir, I did not employ you to come 
here and lie ! The note is good, the signature 
is mine! I only want time." The court and 
spectators were much amused at the quaint pro- 
ceeding, and the plaintiff at once consented to a 
continuance. 

Perfection is not to be looked for in humanity. 
But while we admire the virtues of those who 
have been distinguished benefactors of their 
country, we must not take license from their ad- 
mitted good qualities to imitate their faults and 
follies. The troublous times which bring out 
strong men in a good point of view, give occa- 
sion also to irregularities, which in a quiet and 
peaceful era would not be tolerated. War is no 
school of the virtues ; and we must weigh well 
the circumstances with which a man is surrounded, 
before we make up an opinion on his character. 

20* 



234 HISTOllY OF VERMONT. [1791. 



CHAPTER XVI. 

Vermont from 1791 to 1814 — Reservation of lands for religious 
and educational purposes — Foundation of Vermont school 
fund — University of Vermont — Donation from the state — 
Endowment by individual subscription — Liberality of Ira 
Allen — College buildings and library — Middlebury and Nor- 
wich colleges — Medical schools — Academies and common 
schools — Care of the early settlers for the education of their 
children — Its practical direction — Remarks of Dr. Williams 
— Ira Allen — Notices of his life — His History of Vermont 
— Governor Chittenden's quiet policy — Election of Governor 
Tichenor — Introduction of gubernatorial messages and re- 
plies by the legislature — Decided Federal majority — The 
Democrats elect their governor in 1807 — Tichenor re-elected 
in 1808 — The Democrats again successful in 1809 — Their 
candidate re-elected for five years — Party excitement in- 
creases — Declaration of war with Great Britain — Strong 
measures of the Democratic majority — Political revolution — 
Displacement of the Democrats — 'Election of Martin Chit- 
tenden — Repeal of the Democratic war measures — Capitula- 
tion of Hull — Destruction of stores at Plattsburg — Abortive 
attempt to invade Canada — Governor Chittenden recalls the 
Vermont militia — Battle of Lake Erie — Chippewa and 
Lundy's Lane — Battle of Plattsburg — Defeat and death of 
Captain Downie, and retreat of Sir George Prevost. 

Among the excellent provisions of the Ver- 
mont constitution was one requiring public 
schools to be maintained in every town at the 
public expense. In every township grant made 
by the state of Vermont, one right was reserved 
for town, and one for county schools. In the 



1794.] PROVISION FOR EDUCATION. 235 

grants made by Benning Wentworth, governor 
of New Hampshire, three rights were reserved, 
one for the Venerable Society for Propagating 
the Gospel, an English missionary association, 
one for a glebe for the Episcopal clergy, and 
one for the first settled clergyman, of whatever 
denomination he might be, as his private pro- 
perty, the design being to encom-age the settle- 
ment of clergymen. By an act of the Vermont 
legislature, in 1794, the right of the Venerable 
Society, that body never having improved their 
grants, was applied to school purposes. From the 
proceeds of the school lands, and the lands added 
by the legislature as above mentioned, originated 
the Vermont school fund, which now amounts to 
between two and three hundred thousand dollars. 
The state of Vermont also reserved two rights 
in her grants of townships for the support of the 
clergy, one for a parsonage, the other as a pre- 
sent to the first clergyman. 

In addition to the common school provision, 
the people of Vermont, immediately after their 
admission into the Union, made provision for a 
university. The University of Vermont, at 
Burlington, was chartered in 1791, and went into 
operation in 1800. It had a donation of land 
from the state, amounting to fifty thousand acres, 
and was endowed by private subscription to the 
amount of $33,333. Nearly one-half of this 
sum was contributed by Ira Allen. The original 



236 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1794. 

college building, a large structure completed in 
1801, was destroyed by fire in 1824, and finer 
buildings have been erected in its place. It 
has seven instructors and about one hundred and 
thirty students, and a library of about ten thou- 
sand volumes. The rental from its leased lands 
amounts to about $3,000 annually. Middlebury 
College, founded in 1800, is situated in the town 
from which it takes its name. It has the same 
number of professors as the University, a library 
of eight thousand volumes, and three college 
edifices. About one-third of its graduates have 
been clergymen. The Norwich College, char- 
tered in 1834, makes the third large institution 
for education in the state. This is also a flour- 
ishing institution. It grew out of Captain 
Partridge's school, originally established in 1820. 
Its professorships are the same in number as the 
others, and it has the peculiarity of establishing 
no term for its collegiate course, the candidates 
for degrees being examined as to their qualifica- 
tions. Besides these institutions there are in 
Vermont two medical schools, one at Castleton 
and one at Woodstock. The average attendance 
at these five institutions is about five hundred. 
There are fifty academies in the state, and about 
twenty-five hundred common schools. 

From these statements it will appear that the 
wise forethought of the early settlers of Vermont 
has been well exhibited in its results. Dr. Wil- 



1794.] REMARKS OF DR. WILLIAMS. 237 

liams, writing in 1794, while these educational 
advantages were as yet in the future, thus speaks 
of the character of the people, and their care of 
their children. '' Among the customs which are 
universal among the people in all parts of the 
state, one that seems worthy of remark is the at- 
tention that is paid to the education of children. 
The aim of the parent is not so much to have 
his children acquainted with the liberal arts and 
sciences, but to have them all taught to read 
with ease and propriety, to write a plain and 
legible hand, and to have them acquainted with 
the rules of arithmetic so far as shall be neces- 
sary to carry on any of the most common and 
useful occupations of life. All the children are 
trained up to this kind of knowledge. They 
are accustomed from their earliest years to read 
the Holy Scriptures, the periodical publications, 
newspapers, and political pamphlets ; to form 
some general acquaintance with the laws of their 
country, the proceedings of the courts of justice, 
of the general assembly of the state, and of 
Congress. Such a kind of education is common 
and universal in every part of the state. And 
nothing would be more dishonourable to the pa- 
rents or to the children than to be without it. 
One of the first things the new settlers attend to 
IS to procure a schoolmaster to instruct their 
children in the arts of reading, writing, and 
arithmetic. And where they are not able to 



238 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1794. 

procure an instructor, the parents attend to It 
themselves. No greater misfortune could attend 
a child than to arrive at manhood unable to read, 
write, and keep small accounts. He is viewed as 
unfit for the common business of the towns and 
plantations, and in a state greatly inferior to his 
neighbours. Every consideration joins to pre- 
vent so degraded and mortifying a state, by 
giving to every one the customary education and 
advantages. This custom was derived from the 
people of New England, and it has acquired 
greater force in the new settlements, where the 
people are apprehensive their children will have 
less advantages, and, of course, not appear equal 
to the children in the older towns." 

We have mentioned Ira Allen as one of the 
most munificent benefactors of the Vermont 
University. This gentleman, the youngest of a 
family of eight, was the brother of the famous 
Ethan Allen, and, though less celebrated in ro- 
mantic legends, was a most active and useful 
citizen. He was, with his brothers, among the 
earliest explorers of the territory of Vermont, 
and by judicious purchase became wealthy, when 
the lands which he had selected acquired value 
by the growth of the state. He was a distin- 
guished actor in the events of the Revolution, as 
has already been recorded in these pages, and 
w^as connected with the affairs of the public 
through his life. He filled the offices of trea- 



1797.] POLICY OF CHITTENDEN. 239 

surer, member of the council, and major-general 
of the militia ; and in the latter capacity had a 
trial, like his brother, of foreign imprisonment. 
Having purchased arms in England, in 1795, for 
the use of the state of Vermont, he was cap- 
tured on his return, by a British vessel, and 
carried to England on a charge of supplying the 
Irish, who were then in rebellion, with arms. 
After a litigation of eight years he obtained a 
verdict for damages, and returned to America. 
He wrote an historical memoir of Vermont, which, 
without quite the extravagance of his brother's 
style, has still some of its peculiarities. Other 
brothers of this family have been also prominent 
in the aifairs of the state. Ira Allen died in 
Philadelphia, in 1814, in the sixty-third year of 
his age. 

The affairs of the state of Vermont, from her 
admission into the Union to the death of Chit- 
tenden, in 1797, ran on in their quiet and even 
tenor. Governor Chittenden remained in office 
from 1778 to 1797, with the exception of one 
year. He was a man of moderate views in party 
politics as the line became drawn between the 
Federalist and Democratic parties, but inclined 
in his opinions to the latter or opposition side. 
But he sent no messages to the legislature at 
their annual assembly ; and during the whole 
term which he held the office preserved the sim- 
plicity which had marked the commencement of 



240 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1812. 

his administration. His successor, Isaac Tiche- 
nor, elected by the legislature in 1797, (the people 
failing to elect,) introduced into Vermont the 
custom of the other states, and opened the le- 
gislature with a message, which was decided in 
its tone of approval of the administration of the 
elder Adams, then president, and, of course, dis- 
tinctly placed the governor, and the large ma- 
jority of the legislature which supported him, in 
the ranks of the Federal party. Mr. Tichenor 
continued in office until 1807, when the demo- 
cratic party succeeded in electing their candi- 
date, Israel Smith, but Governor Tichenor was 
again elected in 1808. In 1809 the Democrats 
again succeeded, and their candidate, Jonas 
Galusha, was re-elected annually, until 1813. 

The proceedings of the legislature of Vermont 
were usually despatched in three to five weeks, 
and still remain shorter than those of the other 
states in the Union. There is less of private or 
special legislation ; and the code of laws is brief 
yet comprehensive. But for the election of 
judges and other civil officers, which is part of 
the duty of the Vermont legislature, there would 
be scarce an opportunity for excitement ; and 
even on this subject there is not much, as the 
emoluments of office are not such as to tempt 
cupidity. The annual message, introduced by 
Governor Tichenor, and the reply which it was 
the early custom of the assembly to make, were, 



1812.] PATRIOTIC RESOLUTION. 241 

in the early days of the state, sometimes the 
occasion of some heat. This custom was dis- 
continued in 1816. At the end of one of these 
stormy debates a member gravely proposed a re- 
solution, seriously recommending that the governor 
should not thereafter make a formal address. The 
resolution was not carried, but had its eifect in 
making some succeeding gubernatorial addresses 
less political and more practical. Addresses to 
the president of the United States were another 
theme of dispute. One was voted to the elder 
Adams, two to JeiFerson, and one to Monroe. 

The declaration of war against Great Britain 
found the Democratic or war party in the as- 
cendent in the Vermont legislature, with a go- 
vernor, Jonas Galusha, of the same political 
opinions. In his annual message. Governor Ga- 
lusha urged the assembly to second the measures 
of the general government and the assembly re- 
sponded in the same spirit. A resolution was 
passed in the following strong language. '' We 
pledge ourselves to each other and to our go- 
vernment, that with our individual exertions, our 
example and influence, we will support our go- 
vernment and country in the present contest, and 
rely upon the great Arbiter of events for a fa- 
vourable result." The vote upon this resolution 
was one hundred and twenty-eight to seventy- 
nine; and in the same spirit, the minority pro- 
testing, the legislature proceeded to enact some 

21 



242 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1812. 

Strong laws in aid of the general cause. Inter- 
course between the people of the state and Ca- 
nada was forbidden under a penalty of $1,000, and 
seven years imprisonment. A stringent draft- 
ing law was passed, thirty dollars bounty was 
offered to volunteers, and the pay of the Ver- 
mont militia in the service of the United States 
was doubled by as much more from the state as 
was paid by the United States. The person and 
property of soldiers was exempted from attach- 
ment while they were in service. To meet the 
presumed expenses of these measures, an addi- 
tional tax of one per cent, was levied. 

While these measures were very effective in 
bringing a force into the field, they operated in 
another direction in quite as efficient a manner. 
At the election in 1813 the majority of the as- 
sembly was precisely reversed. The actual bur- 
den of taxation — more tangible than mere words 
and resolves — produced such an overturn as put 
the Democrats in the protesting ranks. There 
was no choice of governor by the people. Mar- 
tin Chittenden, the Federal candidate, was elected 
after several trials, by a small majority. The 
governor's speech, and the answer to it, were in 
strong condemnation of the war and the measures 
of the government. Seventy-five democratic 
members of the legislature "protested," and 
their protest was entered on the journal. The 
Democratic officers were removed, and the laws 



1812.] CAPITULATION OF HULL. 243 

above mentioned as passed during the preceding 
session were repealed. Party spirit reached its 
climax of bitterness and anger. Opprobrious 
names were applied, social relations were inter- 
rupted, and it seemed almost as if civil war was 
impending. 

While these party evolutions were performing 
in Vermont, war had already commenced with 
Great Britain — and most disastrously. Detroit, 
with a large portion of the American territory 
in the then ''North-west," fell into the hands of 
the British, in August, 1812, by the capitulation 
of General Hull ; and perhaps^this event, which 
was appealed to by those opposed to the war, as 
an illustration of the folly of it, had no small 
influence in defeating the war party in Vermont, 
and the events of 1812 and 1813 on Lake Cham- 
plain had not a much better moral effect. Two 
armed American sloops, the Eagle and the 
Growler, in the pursuit of some British gun- 
boats, fell into the hands of the enemy, June 
2d, 1812. One of them, the Eagle, sunk within 
musket-shot of the Canadian shore, and the 
other, the Growler, being prevented from retreat- 
ing by a strong southerly wind, was compelled 
to strike. A hundred prisoners were, in this 
affair, taken by the British. On the 30th of 
July these American sloops, in the charge of 
their new masters, paid a visit to Plattsburg, 
where they destroyed some military stores, esti- 



244 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1812. 

mated to be worth about $25,000. They also 
captured some small trading vessels, and de- 
stroyed other property. These indications of 
an intention to make Lake Champlain the scene 
of military operations, turned the attention of 
the United States government to that quarter. 
A naval force was equipped, mounting forty- 
eight guns, which was in the following year 
doubled. But no naval operations took place 
upon the lake during this season — the British, 
overawed by a superior force, declining an en- 
gagement. The winter was employed, on both 
sides, in building jand refitting naval armaments, 
which were during the next year to furnish one 
of the most spirited pages in the history of naval 
warfare. 

The northern army of the United States, under 
command of General Hampton, made unsuccess- 
ful attempts to enter Canada by two different 
routes, but retired into winter quarters at Platts- 
burg without having effected any thing, except 
to discover that to force their way into Canada, 
in this direction, would be an enterprise costing 
more in blood and treasure than any advantage 
of success would compensate for. The most 
curious result of the campaign was the surprise 
and capture of one hundred and one British 
soldiers, by one hundred and two Americans, at 
St. Amand's. Great excitement grew out of an 
act of Governor Chittenden's. A brigade of 



1812.] BATTLE OF LAKE ERIE. 245 

Vermont militia had been detailed by the prede- 
cessor of Governor Chittenden into the service 
of the United States. This brigade Governor 
Chittenden recalled by proclamation, denying the 
legality of such a draft, except to execute the 
laws of the Union, to suppress insurrection, or 
to repel invasion. Neither of these three 
emergencies existed in the present case. The 
officers of the brigade refused obedience, and 
made a written protest against the proclamation. 
But as it was issued within a few days of the 
time when the militia w^ere entitled to their dis- 
charge, and after the army had retired to winter 
quarters, the difficulty was adjusted by the dis- 
charge of the militia. 

But while little of moment had occurred on 
Lake Champlain, Lake Erie had been the scene 
of the brilliant victory of Capt. Perry, and the 
command of the lake was now, and remained 
during the war in the hands of the Americans. 
The British made no serious efforts to recover 
their ascendency. Michigan, lost by the sur- 
render of Hull, was restored to the United 
States, and the northern frontier was relieved 
of the dangers with which Hull's disaster had 
seemed to threaten it. The territorial govern- 
ment of Michigan was reorganized. The vessels 
captured by Perry were used as transports, and 
General Harrison's troops were conveyed to the 
Canada side. Pursuing Procter, the English 

21* 



246 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1814. 

general, who had twice invaded Ohio, the battle of 
the Thames restored the confidence of the Ame- 
rican forces. Procter lost all his ammunition 
and baggage, and narrowly escaped himself. 
The American force returned triumphant, but 
without any attempt at a permanent occupation 
of Canada. 

Early in the spring of 1814, the old war-path 
on Lake Champlain began to resume its interest. 
General Wilkinson added the testimony of his 
experience to the fact that no successful inva- 
ison could be attempted from either side of the 
Canada line upon the other. Advancing with 
four thousand men along the west side of Lake 
Champlain, he attempted to enter Canada, 
but was repulsed at the British outposts, and 
returned to Plattsburg. In July of the same 
year General Brown invaded Canada from Buf- 
falo, and the battles of Chippewa and Lundy's 
Lane, while they exhibited the bravery of the 
American forces, again demonstrated that the 
permanent occupation of any part of Canada 
by the United States troops was an impossi- 
bility. The burning of towns and villages on 
either frontier, and the most barbarous exhi- 
bitions of partizan anger, were the aspects in 
which war was usually presented between Ca- 
nada and the Northern states. From the pre- 
vious intercourse and neighbourhood attach- 
ments of the parties, hostilities had all the bad 



1814.] ADVANCE ON PLATTSBURG. 247 

characteristics of civil war — the most inhuman 
description of warfare. 

A ship, a schooner, a brig, and several gun- 
boats were built under the superintendence of 
Captain McDonough, during the winter and 
spring of 1814. They were constructed on the 
borders of Otter Creek, and the operations of 
the campaign were opened by an effort of the 
enemy to destroy the flotilla while yet incom- 
plete. The invading force was, however, repuls- 
ed by the batteries at the mouth of the creek, 
and by the Vermont militia, and returned with- 
out effecting any thing. Nothing of moment 
occurred until the month of September, when 
the British naval and land forces made an ad- 
vance upon Plattsburg. The fort was garrisoned 
by General Macomb, with a force of about 
fifteen hundred effective men. The flotilla of 
Captain McDonough carried eighty-six guns, and 
was manned by eight hundred and twenty men. 
Sir George Prevost, the English commander-in- 
chief, had a force of twelve thousand, and the 
English flotilla, commanded by Captain Downie, 
carried ninety-six guns, and was manned by one 
thousand and fifty men. The American fleet 
chose a position, and waited at anchor for the 
approach of the enemy. On the morning of the 
11th of September, the British fleet entered the 
harbour of Plattsburg in the full confidence of 
victory. 



248 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1814. 

Great efforts had been made, and with good 
success, to reinforce General Macomb in his po- 
sition at Plattsburg. Expresses had been sent 
into Vermont, and Governor Chittenden called 
earnestly upon the people to volunteer for the 
defence of Plattsburg. The fort was in full 
view of the fleet, and the soldiers waited in a 
fever of impatience for the double assault, by 
land and by water. General Prevost moved 
slowly to the attack, apparently waiting for the 
commencement of the naval action as the signal 
for the land assault. 

The two larger vessels of the American flo- 
tilla, were the Saratoga, twenty-six guns, and 
the Eagle, twenty. The Eagle opened the en- 
gagement. In his Naval History, Cooper gives 
a very interesting anecdote respecting the com- 
mencement of the engagement. A few minutes 
passed in the solemn and silent expectation that, 
in a disciplined ship, always precedes a battle. 
Suddenly the Eagle discharged, in quick succes- 
sion, four guns in broadside. In clearing the 
decks of the Saratoga some hen-coops were 
thrown overboard, and the poultry had been per- 
mitted to run at large. Startled by the reports 
of the guns, a young cock flew upon a gun-slide, 
clapped his wings and crowed. At this animat- 
ing sound the men spontaneously gave three 
cheers. This little occurrence relieved the 
breathing time between preparation and the 



1814.] BATTLE OF PLATTSBURG. 249 

combat, and it had a powerful influence upon the 
known tendencies of the seamen. Still Captain 
McDonough did not give the order to commence, 
for it was apparent that the fire of the Eagle, 
which vessel still continued to engage, was use- 
less. As soon, however, as it was seen that her 
shot told. Captain McDonough himself sighted 
one of the Saratoga's long twenty-fours, and the 
gun was fired. This shot is said to have struck 
the Confiance near the outer hawsehole, and to 
have passed the length of her deck, killing and 
wounding several men, and carrying away the 
steering wheel. 

The English vessels came up in gallant style, 
and anchored in the face of this cannonade. 
The Confiance carried thirty-seven guns, thirty- 
one of which were long twenty-fours, and she 
had been built in defiance of any force which 
could be opposed to her. Could this vessel once 
get the desired position, it was considered that 
she would decide the fate of the day. But she 
was handled too roughly in coming up ; and when 
at last she came to anchor, it was at an unfavour- 
able distance from the American line. Her first 
broadside told terribly on the Saratoga. Forty 
men were killed and wounded by this single dis- 
charge. 

The engagement now became general, and 
after an action of about three hours, not an 
English flag floated in the bay — all were lowered. 



250 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1814. 

The Confiance, terribly crippled, and the com- 
mander of the flotilla killed, being the first to 
strike. The smaller vessels followed the ex- 
ample; but, by a curious accident, related by 
Cooper, the British galleys escaped. They were 
drifting with their flags down, ready to be taken 
possession of as prizes, when an accidental dis- 
charge of a gun on board the Confiance was mis- 
taken for a signal, and the English galleys made off 
slowly and irregularly, as if distrusting their own 
liberty. There was not a vessel among the 
larger ones whose masts would bear a sail, 
and the men from the American galleys were 
wanted at the pumps of the prizes to keep them 
afloat. No accurate report of the killed and 
wounded has been obtained. The British loss 
must have exceeded two hundred and fifty killed 
and wounded, and among the former were Cap- 
tain Downie and three lieutenants. The Ame- 
rican loss was one hundred and ten killed and 
wounded, and among the former were lieutenants 
Gamble and Stansbury. 

Sir George Prevost, who had hardly com- 
menced the action on shore when the fate of the 
fleet was decided, made a most unmilitary and 
precipitate retreat, leaving all his baggage and 
military stores, and losing in killed, w^ounded, pri- 
soners and deserters, over twenty-five hundred 
men. The loss of the Americans in the land en- 
gagement did not exceed one hundred and fifty. 



1814.] CniTTENDEN RE-ELECTED. 251 



CHAPTER XVII. 

Re-election of Governor Chittenden — His annual address — 
Vermont refuses to send delegates to the Hartford Conven- 
tion — The victors of Plattsburg complimented for their ser- 
vices — Grant of land to McDonough — Treaty of Ghent — 
Review of the war — Honesty of the war and peace parties 
■ — Statistics of Vermont — Population, agriculture, manufac- 
tures — Cotton, wool, and iron — The lumber business — Mis- 
cellaneous statistics — Inland navigation — Railroads — Banks 
— Benevolent institutions — State income and expenditure — 
Religious denominations — 'Closing remarks. 

With the victory of Plattsburg, the war, so 
far as Vermont was concerned, was at an end. 
The Vermont volunteer soldiery had highly dis- 
tinguished themselves by the alacrity with which 
they responded to the call of their country, for- 
getful of all party differences. Governor Chit- 
tenden, who was re-elected by the legislature, by 
a majority of twenty-nine votes, in his annual 
address, paid a high compliment to the soldiers 
who had repulsed the enemy. He said they had 
taught them the '* mortifvino: lesson that the soil 
of freedom will not bear the tread of hostile feet 
yith impunity," and he pronounced their achieve- 
ments "unsurpassed in the records of naval 
and military warfare." But he manfully ad- 
hered to his opinion of the war, and declared 



252 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1814. 

that he " conscientiously disapproved of it as 
unnecessary, unwise, and hopeless in all its of- 
fensive operations." In the same address he 
adverted to the complaints which had been made 
that he did not order out the militia for the de- 
fence of Plattsburg, instead of calling for 
volunteers. He said that as no portion of the 
militia of Vermont had been detached by the 
president, the call upon them as volunteers was 
the only mode in which efficient and timely aid 
could be afforded. The house returned a digni- 
fied and respectful answer, avoiding such topics 
as would have elicited debate. Indeed, the pres- 
sure from without, and the actual invasion of the 
country, seemed to have calmed the angry waters 
of strife. 

An invitation from Massachusetts to send de- 
legates to the Hartford Convention, was unani- 
mously declined by the same legislature which 
had elected a Federal governor. And this Fe- 
deral governor, it should be noticed, was a man 
of character and decided opinions. In Congress 
he had distinguished himself as the opponent of 
the embargo ; and as governor, during his first 
term, he issued the proclamation mentioned in 
the last chapter, for which there was a proposi- 
tion made in Congress to instruct the attorney- 
general to impeach him. The Massachusetts 
legislature supported him in a series of resolu- 
tions. The legislature of Pennsylvania denounced 



1814.] PEACE NEGOTIATED. 253 

him, and the legislature of New Jersey charac- 
terized him as a <' maniac governor." Little 
Vermont has had the fortune to make a sensa- 
tion in the confederacy altogether greater than 
her importance in regard to population and 
wealth. But her sturdy independence has done 
good service in vindicating the rights of small 
states to be respected, and in practically defend- 
ing that wise theory of the Union, which bases 
the privileges of the commonwealths in the 
Union, not on their power, but on their rights. 

At this session of the legislature, resolutions 
were passed highly complimentary to General 
Macomb, to Captain McDonough, and their of- 
ficers and men, and to General Strong and the 
Vermont volunteers. To Captain McDonough, 
the legislature presented a farm on Cumberland 
Head, in sight of the scene of his victory. Other 
compliments and gifts were made him by Con- 
gress, and different states and towns. 

In December, 1814, the plenipotentiaries of 
the respective nations signed a treaty of peace 
at Ghent, between the United States and 
Great Britain. In reviewing the events of the 
war, so far as they have entered into the history 
of Vermont, or have been necessary to illustrate 
our narrative, we have endeavoured to be im- 
partial. In the Revolutionary War there was 
but one American party. Whoever opposed that 
war befriended the claims of a foreign power. 



254 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1815. 

But in the last war there could be an honest 
difference of opinion without prejudice to the 
patriotism of the holders. In the heat of party 
excitement it was natural to charge, and even to 
suspect improper motives. But as time gives us 
more impartial views, and removes the exaspera- 
tion of party feeling, we must concede to the 
opponents, as well as to the friends of the war, 
true patriotism. And we must concede also that 
many of the selfish and designing had no higher 
object than their own advantage in opposition 
or in defence of the measure. We should trem- 
ble for the republic if, in this century, the people 
should be found unanimously in favour of war 
with any people, or under any circumstances. 
At this distance of time we can perceive that so 
far as any war can be conducive to the advan- 
tage of a nation, this war was to the United 
States in some important particulars. But we 
are free from the losses, the sufferings, and the 
perils which entered into the estimate of con- 
temporaries ; and we, too, in a time of peace, can 
condemn all war as unchristian and unnecessary 
without being suspected of treachery to our 
country. Could not those who honestly held the 
same opinion then, hold it without a treacherous 
wish or purpose ? 

At the election in 1815, it was found that the 
democratic party was again in the ascendency. 
And as party spirit died away with the removal 



1850.] AGRICULTURE AND MANUFACTURES. 255 

of causes of excitement, the words Federalist 
and Democrat ceased to be a rallying crj, or to 
be applied as terms of opprobrium. It would be 
neither profitable nor interesting to follow all the 
party contests which have taken their rise from 
temporary or local causes, or the preference of 
the people for particular men. Suffice it of the 
noble and patriotic state of Vermont to say, 
that she has ever shown herself practically re- 
publican. 

We have stated the increase of population in 
a preceding chapter, the present population of 
the state being 314,120. A few statistics of 
agricultural and other productions, will exhibit 
what this population is capable of effecting. 
The number of acres of land under cultivation, 
in 1850, was 2,322,923 ; value of farming imple- 
ments and machinery, §2,774,959 ; of live 
stock, §11,292,748 ; of home-made manufac- 
tures, $261,589. The number of bushels of 
wheat raised, was 493,666; of Indian corn, 
1,625,776. The number of pounds of wool 
produced was 3,492,087 ; of butter, 12,128,095 ; 
of cheese, 6,755,006 ; of maple sugar, 5,159,641 ; 
tons of hay, 763,579. The cotton manufacture 
of the state is carried on by nine establishments, 
in which a capital of $202,500 is invested. The 
annual value of all raw material is $114,115; 
of products, $196,100 ; operatives, 250 ; month- 
ly wages, $3,321. In the woollen manufacture 



256 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1850. 

there is a capital of $886,300, invested in 
seventy-two establishments, using in a year 
raw material to the amount of $830,684, and 
producing an annual value of $1,579,161. The 
number of operatives is 1493, receiving . month- 
ly wages amounting to $25,100. The capital 
invested in iron works in 1850, was $325,920; 
raw material, $206,972 ; value of products, 
$692,817. These statistics do not include, of 
course, all the products of the industry of the 
people ; nor is it possible, by the most careful 
estimates and inquiries, to obtain any thing 
more than an approximation to the whole pro- 
ductions of the state. Besides the great staples 
of agriculture mentioned above, the smaller 
ones are produced in abundance, although the 
state is better adapted to grazing than to 
grain. 

The lumber business annually produces about 
$400,000, and about seven hundred tons of 
pot and pearl ashes ; its orchard products are 
$200,000 ; poultry, $200,000 ; hats, caps, and 
bonnets, $70,000; bricks and lime, $300,000; 
marble and granite, $70,000. The chief supply of 
black marble used in the United States comes 
from the quarries on Lake Champlain ; and some 
beautiful varieties of dove-coloured, white and 
clouded marbles are found in Vermont. Vessels 
for lake and river navigation are annually built, 
to the value of about $80,000, and these are 



1850.] RAILROADS. 257 

employed in the trade of the state with New 
York and Canada on Lake Champlain, and the 
rivers and canals with which the waters of that 
lake are connected. And we may here observe 
that this important avenue to the interior of the 
country, which has during two wars been the 
path of foreign invasion, is now guarded by 
fortifications which can easily be made impreg- 
nable. Rouse's Point, near the Canadian line, 
has fortifications which cannot be passed by 
water. At the close of the last war the United 
States government caused this point to be forti- 
fied, but the awkward discovery was made that 
the point was not within the United States 
boundary, and the work was therefore abandon- 
ed. By the treaty of Washington, negotiated 
in 1842, by Mr. Webster and Lord Ashburton, 
Rouse's Point was obtained for the United 
States, thus securing the key of Lake Cham- 
plain ; and the state of Vermont obtained also 
about sixty-one thousand acres which would 
have been left, by the true parallel of 45°, on the 
Canada side of the line. 

Vermont has her share of railroads, which 
intersect the state in all desirable and profita- 
ble directions, in length over four hundred 
miles. Less accidents have occurred upon them 
than on any other roads in the United States. 
Her banking capital is about a million and a 
half. She has a state institution for the in- 

22* 



258 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1850. 

sane, and otlier public buildings, on a scale 
commensurate with her wants, and adapted to 
modern views of philanthropy. She has no town 
with a population exceeding five thousand, and 
thus escapes the difficulties in enforcing whole- 
some general laws — a disadvantage which large 
cities impose as a counterpoise to their bene- 
fits. Her annual state income is about one 
hundred thousand dollars ; and her expenses fall 
so far short of this, that although she has had 
temporary debts for specific purposes they were 
soon extinguished. 

The preponderating religious denominations 
are the Congregationalists, Baptists, and Me- 
thodists. Next to these come the Episcopa- 
lians. The smaller denominations are also re- 
presented, and the regard paid to the Sabbath 
and to reliorious instructions and institutions is 
general and evident in the character of the 
people. Printing presses, periodicals, daily, 
semi-weekly, weekly, and monthly, abound in 
the true New England proportion ; and books, 
with the Vermont imprint, chiefly Bibles, his- 
torical works, and other standards, are found 
throuD-hout New Eno^land. 

Montpelier has been for nearly half a cen- 
tury the capital of the state — the legislature in 
its first years being migratory. The State House 
is a beautiful building, in a mixed style of 
Grecian architecture, and, with the other public 



1850.] CLOSING REMARKS. 259 

buildings, is worthy of tlie state. The State 
House has, as trophies, the four cannon cap- 
tured by Stark in the Battle of Bennington. 
These cannon tell the story of two wars. They 
were lost by Hull at the surrender of Detroit, 
recaptured by the Americans at the taking of 
Fort George, and remained many years un- 
claimed and forgotten by Vermont, in the 
arsenal at Washington. There they were ob- 
served, with their inscription, by Hon. Henry 
Stevens ; and, at his request, restored by Con- 
gress to the gallant state, on the soil where 
they were captured. Another memorial of her 
services and suiferings in the wars of the Union 
is found in her military pension list, which, even 
as late as 1840, numbered 1,320 out of 291,948 
inhabitants, a proportion greatly diminished from 
the earlier pension roll. 

Such are some of the facts in the history 
and statistics of Vermont. We have given 
without partiality the narrative of her progress, 
from the early days when resistance to wrong 
exposed her rude patriots to eifror, down to 
her present quiet and orderly condition. The 
services she has rendered to the Union as a 
frontier state, entitle her to our highest grati- 
tude ; for while in war she was distinguished 
in arms, in peace she has proved herself equal 
to the maintenance of a delicate and trouble- 
some position. She sheltered the fugitives 



260 HISTORY OF VERMONT. [1850. 

durinjr tlie Canadian rebellion without com- 
promising the country ; and her people followed 
the natural sympathies of republicans, without 
doing violence to her duty, as one of the United 
States, to a friendly government. The stranger 
from Europe, who enters the United States at 
the great commercial sea-ports, with their half 
foreign aspects, has not the advantages of ob- 
servation which those possess, who find the Genius 
of America "at home" in Vermont, as soon as 
they cross her threshhold. And through this 
entrance the American may proudly welcome 
those who come hither seeking a home, or de- 
siring to. see the wonderful political and social 
experiment of the nineteenth century — a govern- 
ment strong without antique precedents — sup- 
ported by citizens of distinct state sovereignties, 
with great local diversities of character and 
pursuits, yet moving harmoniously together by 
a common vigorous impulse to maintain the na- 
tional honour and the integrity of the Federal 
compact. 



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